Foreign policy of the USSR in the 1930s Expansion of the territory of the USSR

In the 30s. and especially on the eve of the Great Patriotic War, Soviet foreign policy was complex and contradictory.

Main stages foreign policy USSR in the 30s:

1929-1933 gg. The main foreign policy partner of the USSR is Germany. Relations with other Western states remain extremely difficult (diplomatic conflicts with Great Britain and the USA). In 1929, there was an armed conflict with Kuomintang China over the issue of ownership of the CER. The Chiang Kai-shekists were defeated by units of the Red Army led by Blucher. The situation on the Soviet-Chinese border changed in 1931, when Japanese troops occupied Manchuria. Now the USSR is helping China in the fight against the aggressors.

1933-1939 gg. The coming to power of Hitler turns Germany into the main outwardly political enemy of the USSR. The German threat is forcing the countries of the West to make some rapprochement with the Soviet state. In 1932-1933. a number of non-aggression treaties were signed (with France, Finland, the Baltic countries). AT 1933 The USA officially recognized the USSR. AT 1934 d. our country was admitted to the League of Nations (the pre-war analogue of the UN). The USSR takes the initiative to create a system of collective security in Europe. However, the Western states, although they were concerned about the strengthening of Germany, continued to consider the communist USSR as their main enemy. The only significant treaty of mutual assistance in the case of military aggression became a tripartite Franco-Soviet-Czechoslovak treaty, signed in 1935. In 1936-1939. The USSR provides military assistance to Republican Spain in its struggle against the fascist rebels supported by Germany. After the so-called Munich agreement ( 1938 the Western countries transferred to Germany the rights to the Sudetenland of Czechoslovakia) and the non-aggression pact between France and Germany (1938), it became obvious that the West was pursuing a policy of “appeasement of the aggressor”, in the expectation that German fascism would bring down its main blow on the USSR. The situation was complicated by the extreme aggravation of Soviet-Japanese relations. AT 1938 an armed conflict broke out in the lake area Hassan, and in 1939 city ​​- on the river Khalkhin Gol. The conniving position of the West and the clear threat from Japan forced the USSR to look for ways to rapprochement with Germany.

1939-1941 gg. August 23 1939 Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the USSR Molotov and German Foreign Minister Ribbentrop signed in Moscow Nonaggression pact (« Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact”) and secret additional protocols to it on the division of spheres of influence in Eastern Europe: Estonia, Latvia, Finland, Bessarabia ended up in the Soviet sphere. September 1, 1939 d. Germany attacked Poland - World War II began. On September 17, units of the Red Army entered the territory of Poland. On September 28, 1939, the Soviet-German Treaty “On Friendship and Borders” was signed, which also contained secret protocols (Lithuania also retreated to the zone of influence of the USSR). The following year, Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina (Moldova) are included in the USSR. On October 31, 1939, the USSR presented territorial claims to Finland, demanding that it move the Soviet-Finnish border in the Leningrad region by 30 km, in exchange for twice large area in Soviet Karelia. The refusal of Finland became the reason for the beginning of the bloody and very unsuccessful Soviet-Finnish war (" winter war"). Its main event was the assault on the Finnish "Mannerheim Line", erected along the border along the Karelian Isthmus. It was possible to break through it only at the cost of huge human losses. In March 1940, a peace treaty was signed, according to which all of Karelia with the city of Vyborg and part of the islands of the Baltic Sea went to the USSR. main reason failures in the war was the frank weakness of the command cadres of the Red Army, caused by recent repressions.

Thus, at the first stage of World War II, the USSR acted as an aggressor and ally of Germany. In 1939, after the start of the Winter War, the Soviet Union, along with Japan, was expelled from the League of Nations.

In the late 1920s and early 1930s, the international situation changed significantly. The deep world economic crisis that began in 1929 caused serious internal political changes in all capitalist countries. In some (England, France, etc.), he brought to power forces that sought to carry out broad internal transformations of a democratic nature. In others (Germany, Italy), the crisis contributed to the formation of anti-democratic regimes with the unleashing of political terror, forcing chauvinism and militarism. Foci began to form rapidly international tension. One developed in Europe due to the aggressiveness of Germany and Italy, and the second - on Far East because of the claims of the Japanese militarists.

Taking into account these factors, in 1933 the Soviet government defined new tasks for its foreign policy: refusal to participate in international conflicts, especially those of a military nature; recognition of the possibility of cooperation with democratic Western countries to contain the aggressive aspirations of Germany and Japan; struggle for the creation of a system of collective security in Europe and the Far East.

In the first half of the 1930s, the USSR achieved further strengthening of its positions in the international arena. The most important foreign policy success of Soviet diplomacy at this stage was the normalization of Soviet-American relations. In 1932 on presidential elections F. Roosevelt won in the USA. His views were characterized by pragmatism and balance. Unlike his predecessors, who saw in the USSR the main threat to the free world, Roosevelt refused to continue the course of confrontation with the Soviet Union and advocated the normalization of bilateral relations. In the autumn of 1933, a Soviet delegation headed by Litvinov visited America. The result of fruitful negotiations on a wide range of bilateral relations was the November 16, 1933 exchange of notes on the establishment of diplomatic relations between the USSR and the USA. The governments of the two countries not only recognized each other, but also refused to support military and other organizations whose activities could be aimed at forcibly changing the political or social system in one of the contracting countries. In September 1934 The Soviet Union was admitted to the League of Nations and became a permanent member of its council.

The first focus of tension and military threat arose on the Far Eastern borders of the USSR. In 1931 the Japanese militarists carried out an invasion of China. This was the first case of large-scale aggression since the end of World War I. In 1932, the puppet state of Manchukuo was created by the Japanese on the territory of Manchuria. Emperor Pu Yi, who headed it, was an obedient puppet of the aggressors. The League of Nations responded to China's calls for help only with non-binding calls not to expand the military conflict, which in those conditions actually meant a tacit recognition of the dismemberment of China.

Unlike Western states, the USSR met Japan's intervention against China with growing concern. In 1931, the Soviet side supported the Chinese Communists, led by Mao Zedong, who announced the creation of several southern and central provinces of the Chinese Soviet Republic in the territories and began organizing the Chinese Red Army. Later, when readiness became visible official authorities China to resist Japanese aggression, the USSR went to normalize its relations with the Kuomintang and in 1932 proposed to the Chinese dictator Chiang Kai-shek to restore diplomatic relations, broken in 1929 after the provocation of the Kuomintang on the Chinese Eastern Railway. Chiang Kai-shek agreed to Moscow's proposal, since only the USSR was ready to provide effective assistance to China in the fight against Japanese aggression, while other great powers limited themselves to meaningless diplomatic declarations. Not limited to contacts with the Chinese side, in the same 1932, given the strengthening of Japanese positions in the immediate vicinity of its borders, the Soviet Union offered Japan to conclude a non-aggression pact, but the Japanese side rejected the Soviet proposal.

Seeing the growing hotbed of tension and seeking to restore the fragile balance in the Far East, the USSR proposed to sign the Pacific Collective Security Pact, but the United States and other Western countries rejected this idea. In order to protect its borders, the USSR continued to develop bilateral relations with China. The Chinese side sought to bind the USSR with an obligation to provide direct military assistance in the event of a new Japanese aggression, which did not suit the Soviet side. On July 7, 1937, Japan again began hostilities with China, which made the Chinese side more accommodating, and on August 21, 1937, a Soviet-Chinese non-aggression pact was signed. The result of this was increased Soviet military-economic aid to China. Within two years, more than 3.5 thousand Soviet military advisers were sent to China, the USSR provided several loans to China, total volume in 250 million US dollars, the Chinese army received 1235 aircraft, 1600 artillery pieces, more than 14 thousand machine guns, a significant amount of ammunition, fuel, equipment.

Another focus of military danger began to take shape in Europe, on the western borders of the USSR. In 1933, A. Hitler's dictatorial regime was established in Germany. The fascist Fuhrer saw his main mission in the capture of living space in the East and the destruction of communism. At the same time, his first steps as German chancellor could create the illusion that the new German leadership does not mind maintaining partnerships with its neighbors. In March 1933, Hitler announced his readiness to continue the Rapallo line in relations with the USSR. As real step the Nazi government ratified the Soviet-German pact, signed back in 1931, but not ratified by the authorities of the Weimar Republic. At the same time, military preparations intensified in Germany, Germany withdrew from the League of Nations, and mass persecution of communists and other progressive figures is unfolding in it.

Beginning in the summer of 1933, Soviet-German relations began to deteriorate. In June 1933, a statement addressed to Germany by the Soviet leadership followed that the military cooperation between the two states, which had lasted 10 years, would be terminated from September 1933. This was followed by a reduction in cooperation in other areas, including the economy. In the future, the aggressiveness of the German side in relation to the USSR begins to intensify. In January 1934, Germany concluded a non-aggression pact with Poland, some provisions of which could be interpreted as directed against the USSR. It became obvious that Hitler's anti-communism was not only an ideological factor, but also underlay the real policy of the new German leadership. In an effort to prevent military conflicts directly on its borders, the USSR proposed to the German side to make a joint statement of mutual interest in maintaining the independence of the Baltic states, but this proposal was not understood, which was met with concern in Moscow.

At the turn of the 20-30s. 20th century the world system of capitalism has entered a period of one of the most terrible crises. The economies of many countries, recently bled dry by the First World War, are again in danger of destruction. The result of the crisis was the establishment of totalitarian regimes in many states. The Nazis came to power in Germany. In the United States, the "new course" of President T. Roosevelt began to be implemented, the essence of which was the selective application of Soviet experience in state regulation of the economy.

Conservative circles in the West saw a way out of the crisis in unleashing new large-scale military conflicts. In 1931 militarist Japan began an aggressive war against China. A hotbed of military tension developed on the Far Eastern borders of the USSR. Another hotbed of military tension arose on the western borders after Hitler came to power in Germany in 1933. He declared his goal to be the expansion of "living space" in the East.

The new situation also required the USSR to change its foreign policy guidelines. In 1933, the new head of the foreign policy department of the USSR, Μ. M. Litvinov put forward a plan to create a system of collective security. In the same year, diplomatic relations with the United States were established. Favorable ground was created for rapprochement with the liberal states of the West. In order to ease the tension in its relations with them, the Soviet Union agreed to revise the policy of the Comintern. G. Dimitrov, a prominent Bulgarian communist, became the head of this organization.

On the VII Congress of the Comintern the doctrine of the creation of popular anti-fascist fronts on a broad democratic basis is proclaimed, which meant a break with the narrow-class methods of activity of this organization in previous years. The most odious figures known for their left views are being eliminated from the leadership of the Comintern. Repressions begin against its former leaders. The first leaders of the Comintern G. E. Zinoviev and N. I. Bukharin, the leader of the Hungarian Socialist Republic B. Kun, and many other Soviet and foreign communists were destroyed.

Retaliatory steps are being taken by Western leaders as well. An expression of increased confidence in the USSR is the signing of several bilateral treaties that created the foundation for collective security in Europe. Thus, on May 2, 1935, the Soviet Union concluded an agreement on mutual assistance with France. A similar agreement was signed on May 16, 1935 with Czechoslovakia. critical success national diplomacy is the entry on September 18, 1934 of the Soviet Union into League of Nations.

At the same time, many of the efforts of the USSR aimed at maintaining peace did not meet with understanding. The course towards collective resistance to aggressors was seriously tested during the war in Spain. In February 1936, the anti-fascist Popular Front won the elections in Spain. But democratic reforms in this country were thwarted already in July 1936 by a military coup led by General Franco. The international community declared its non-interference in Spanish affairs. France, England and the United States refused to provide the Spanish Republic with military and economic assistance.

Out of fear of being again accused of exporting the revolution, the Soviet Union initially took a wait-and-see attitude. Fascist states behaved quite differently. Italy and Germany began to carry out regular deliveries of weapons and military equipment to General Franco. About 50 thousand Italians and 10 thousand Germans fought on his side. The situation required the prompt intervention of the Soviet Union and other progressive forces, otherwise the Spanish Republic was doomed.

Beginning in October 1936, the USSR openly took the side of the legal government of the country. In the documents of the People's Commissariat of Defense, the actions to provide assistance to the Republicans were designated as Operation "X". During its implementation in 1936-1938. 648 aircraft, 347 tanks, 120 armored vehicles, 1186 guns, 20.5 thousand machine guns, 500 thousand rifles, and ammunition were sent to Spain.

About 2,000 Soviet advisers arrived to help the Spanish government. The Comintern launched a broad campaign to help Spain. He organized international brigades, in which up to 50 thousand volunteers from 54 countries fought. However, the position of the Western states in the end turned out to be in the hands of the rebels, and the republic in Spain was destroyed. The defeat of the Republicans in Spain showed the complete inability of the pre-war system of international relations to stop the actions of the aggressors.

Taking advantage of the inaction of the Western states, Germany no longer concealed its aggressive plans. In 1934, Hitler concludes a non-aggression pact with Poland, the anti-Soviet orientation of which was not hidden by anyone, and even emphasized by the Polish side. In 1935 in Germany, in violation of international agreements, universal military service was introduced. In 1936, German troops entered the demilitarized Rhineland. In March 1938, the "Anschluss" (attachment) of Austria was made. This treacherous act was recognized by the governments of England and France. Czechoslovakia was next. In May 1938, Germany began to concentrate its troops near its borders. The pretext for Hitler's treacherous plans was the supposedly "disastrous" situation of the Germans in the Czech Sudetes. Europe is facing the threat of military conflict.

The USSR was connected with Czechoslovakia by an agreement on mutual assistance, under the terms of which, in the event of France's refusal to provide military assistance to the Czechs, the Soviet side could also refrain from entering the conflict. Nevertheless, the Soviet Union firmly stated that it would act without the French side if the Czechoslovak government turned to it with an official appeal for help. Together, the army of Czechoslovakia and the armed forces of the USSR significantly exceeded the army of Germany. But the government of Czechoslovakia continued to focus on Western countries, hoping for their assistance. This was the main mistake of the Czechoslovak side - the ruling circles of England and France had other plans in relation to the states of Eastern Europe.

In September 1938, the first persons of France and Great Britain arrived at a meeting with Hitler in Munich. Neither the USSR nor even Czechoslovakia were admitted to the negotiations. During the negotiations, it was decided to transfer the Sudetenland to Germany. The government of Czechoslovakia was forced to agree to the conditions presented to it. But this did not save Czechoslovak statehood. In March 1939, Hitler completely occupied the Czech lands, creating a protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia on them, and in the east of the country - a puppet fascist state of the Slovaks. In the division of Czechoslovakia, with the consent of the German side, Hungary and Poland also took part. Many Russian and foreign historians, such as V. Sipols, G. Gorodetsky, see the Munich agreement between Western leaders and Hitler as a prologue to World War II.

In October 1936, an agreement was signed between Italy and Germany, called the Berlin-Rome Axis. Soon, the so-called Anti-Comintern Pact was signed between Germany and Japan. In 1937, the Italian side joined him. In 1940, the fascist states will finally consolidate their tripartite alliance. The participants in the "Anti-Comintern Pact" will proclaim the goal of creating a new order throughout the world. Directly or indirectly they will be supported by such states as Spain, Finland, Denmark, Hungary, Romania, Croatia, Slovakia.

The aggressive plans of the fascist states will not meet with serious opposition from Western liberal regimes either. At that time, the leadership of France and England had supporters of the policy of appeasing the aggressor. His goal was to untie Germany's hands in the West and push her to search for "living space" in the East. As part of the policy pursued by Britain and France to "appease the aggressor", in September 1938 the Anglo-German and in December of the same year the Franco-German declarations were signed, which were in fact non-aggression pacts. Their conclusion created a real danger for the USSR and aroused the concern of the Soviet leadership.

Despite the unfriendly policy of England and France, the USSR did not abandon plans to create a system of collective security. In July-August 1939, Anglo-French-Soviet negotiations took place in Moscow. Neither the French, nor especially the English side, showed a desire for sincere cooperation in the negotiations. The stumbling block was the position of Poland. The Polish government stubbornly refused to allow Soviet troops to pass through Polish territory to the border with Germany in the event of an attack. Without this, any agreements on the provision of military assistance to Poland turned out to be a sham.

The British government did not consider it necessary to influence its Polish partners, although it was aware of Hitler's plans to attack Poland in the very near future. In turn, the Soviet leadership became aware of the behind-the-scenes negotiations between Britain and Germany. It was feared that Britain did not want to conclude an effective military agreement with the Soviet Union, as it was preparing to conclude a treaty with Hitler.

It was also restless on the eastern borders of the USSR. Back in 1938, 20 thousand Japanese soldiers invaded the territory of the USSR in the area of ​​Lake Khasan, 130 km south of Vladivostok. The culmination of the Soviet-Japanese conflict during this period was hostilities in the region of the Khalkhin-Gol River on the territory of an ally of the USSR - Mongolia. In May 1939, about 70 thousand people, supported by 500 guns, 182 tanks and 300 aircraft from Japan, crossed the Mongolian border. The moment of surprise played an important role, and the Japanese advanced far into Mongolian territory. Only by concentrating large forces of tanks and aircraft did the Soviet and Mongolian troops liquidate the Japanese invasion by September. Thus, the USSR faced the threat of war on two fronts - in Europe and in the Far East.

In a situation of military danger, the Soviet leadership was faced with persistent proposals from Germany to conclude a non-aggression pact. Seeing the futility of continuing negotiations with France and England, and also in dire need of peace in the West, Stalin decided on another sharp turn in foreign policy. In August 1939, German Foreign Minister A. Ribbentrop arrived in Moscow. On August 23, he and V. M. Molotov, who replaced Litvinov as People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs, sign a non-aggression pact between the two countries. Today, this treaty is interpreted by historians far ambiguously. Of particular criticism is the signing of secret protocols on the division of spheres of influence between the Soviet Union and Germany.

For many people, including those in the USSR itself, the Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact, as it was dubbed in the Western press already in those years, was a complete surprise. Continuing the chosen course, on September 28, the Stalinist leadership signed an agreement on "friendship and borders" with Germany, which reflected the new military-strategic and geopolitical alignment of forces in Europe. At the same time, despite some rapprochement with Germany, the USSR was still ready to continue the policy of collective security together with Britain and France. But neither in London nor in Paris showed any interest in holding negotiations with the USSR, although there was still time between August 23 and September 1, 1939 to prevent an attack on Poland.

As a result, no real mechanisms were created in Europe to prevent a major war. The Soviet Union was well aware that without this peace with Germany would be short-lived. And yet, the respite received made it possible to delay Hitler's attack on the USSR for almost two years, which were used by our country to prepare to repel aggression.

Internal political situation in the USSR in the second half of the 1930s.

The internal political and economic development of the USSR remained complex and contradictory. This was due to the strengthening of the personality cult of I.V. Stalin, the omnipotence of the party leadership, the further strengthening of bureaucratization and centralization of management. At the same time, the faith of the majority of the people in socialist ideals, labor enthusiasm and high citizenship grew.

The cult of personality I.V. Stalin was caused by many factors: the lack of democratic traditions in the country; largely preserved monarchist psychology of the masses, giving rise to the illusion of wisdom and infallibility of the leader, an atmosphere of fear in the face of repression and political processes. Strengthening the faith of the people in I.V. Stalin was also facilitated by genuine and imaginary (propagated) successes in socialist construction. Cult I.V. Stalin was planted by his inner circle, who made a quick political career, - K.E. Voroshilov, JI.M. Kaganovich, V.M. Molotov, G.M. Malenkov, N.S. Khrushchev, L.P. Beria and others. Throughout the country, the cult of I.V. Stalin was introduced into the consciousness of the people by numerous party workers and civil servants.

The study of the features of the foreign policy of the USSR in the 30s. cannot be considered outside the context of the late 20s. XX century. In the first half of the 1920s, the economic blockade of Russia by the capitalist countries was broken. In 1920, after the fall Soviet power in the Baltic republics, the government of the RSFSR concluded Peace Treaties with the new governments of Estonia, Lithuania, Latvia, recognizing their independence and autonomy. Since 1921, the establishment of trade relations between the RSFSR and England, Germany, Austria, Norway, Denmark, Italy, and Czechoslovakia began. The negotiating political process with England and France reached a deadlock. Using the contradictions of the leading European powers with Germany, the Soviet representatives in the town of Rapallo (near Genoa) concluded an agreement with her. The treaty resumed diplomatic and consular relations between the countries and thereby brought Russia out of diplomatic isolation.

In 1926, the Berlin Treaty of Friendship and Military Neutrality was signed. Germany, thus, became the main trade and military partner of the USSR, which made significant adjustments to the nature of international relations in subsequent years. By 1924, Russia was recognized in Europe by Great Britain, France, Italy, Norway, Austria, Greece, Sweden; in Asia by Japan, China, Latin America- Mexico and Uruguay. The US delayed recognition until 1933. In total for 1921-1925. Russia has concluded 40 agreements and treaties. At the same time, Soviet-British and Soviet-French relations were unstable. In 1927 there was a break in diplomatic relations with England. In 1924, diplomatic and consular relations were established with China, and in 1925 with Japan.

Russia managed to conclude a series of equal treaties with the countries of the East. In 1921, a Soviet-Iranian treaty, a Soviet-Afghan treaty and an agreement with Turkey were concluded. In the late 1920s Since the predominant development of Soviet-German relations, the efforts of Soviet diplomacy have been directed towards expanding contacts with other countries. In 1929 diplomatic relations with England were restored. 1933 became the year of recognition of the USSR by the United States of America, in 1933–1935 by Czechoslovakia, the Spanish Republic, Romania, etc. Relations with China also aggravated, where an armed conflict broke out on the Chinese Eastern Railway (CER) in 1929. Thus, at this stage, priority in foreign policy was given to the "Comintern" direction.

The main "friends" and "enemies" of the USSR in the 30s. twentieth century

Let us dwell on the reasons that influenced foreign policy in the 1930s. Firstly, it was influenced by the fact that the USSR began to turn into a totalitarian state, in which the foundations of a command-administrative system were laid. In order to justify the inevitability of emergency measures within the country, the Stalinist leadership begins to whip up "military alarm" among Soviet people, constantly talking about the military danger to the USSR. In the 1930s in the foreign policy activities of the Stalinist leadership, political priorities finally triumphed over economic ones. Secondly, the world economic crisis that broke out in 1929 not only aroused hopes for a world revolution, but also led to the strengthening of fascism, as well as to its coming to power in a number of countries. This circumstance seriously changed the alignment of forces in the international arena, led to the emergence of hotbeds of tension in Europe and Asia, and made the struggle for the creation of a collective security system particularly relevant. Soviet diplomacy had to do everything possible to avoid the involvement of the USSR in a military conflict and secure its borders. It continued to strive to prevent a rapprochement between the imperialist states on an anti-Soviet basis, and in the event favorable conditions increase the territory, primarily at the expense of border states. Thirdly, from the second half of the 1930s. one can speak of a change in the policy of the Comintern. If in the first half of this decade the leaders of the Third International tried with all their might to ignite the fire of the world revolution, then after the 7th Congress of the Comintern (July-August 1935), they, realizing the real threat of fascism, focused on creating anti-fascist fronts within each of the countries.

Until the beginning of the 30s. Germany remained the main political and economic partner of the USSR in Europe. It was there that the main flow of Soviet exports went, and equipment for Soviet industry was supplied from it. German exports from the USSR stimulated the restoration of German heavy industry. In 1931, Berlin provided the USSR with a long-term loan of 300 million marks to finance imports from Germany. The share of Germany in the imports of the Soviet Union increased from 23.7% in 1930 to 46.5% in 1932. In 1931–1932. The USSR occupied the first place in the German export of cars (in 1932, 43% of all exported German cars were sold to the USSR).

With the appearance in Germany of the new Chancellor A. Hitler, who proclaimed a course of uncompromising anti-communism in domestic and foreign policy, the policy of cooperation between the USSR and Germany was completed. The Soviet side in a short time had to work out a different strategy than before for Soviet-German relations. It was necessary to determine the line of conduct of the Comintern and all Soviet people against the Nazi government. The ratio of pragmatic (diplomatic) and ideological (communist) dominants did not allow, on the one hand, to openly recognize at the official level new mode authorities hostile to the USSR, on the other hand, to immediately abandon the formula of social fascism, thereby recognizing the erroneous strategy of the Comintern in the struggle "for the voices and souls of the German workers." Time was needed to prepare for a change in the strategy and tactics of Soviet diplomacy. Preparations in securing a new course by creating a favorable information space for this were entrusted by the Soviet leadership to the communist press. The NKID did not stand aside. People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs M.M. Litvinov personally demanded from the Politburo that all notes of protest by the Soviet side against the German government be published in Pravda and Izvestia. This largely explains the daily interest of the central Soviet press in the events that took place in Germany during the period under review.

In 1930–1931 sharply aggravated Soviet-French relations. The French government accused the USSR of interfering in the internal affairs of the country and financing subversive communist activities. It has been alleged that Moscow uses official representations to transfer funds and instructions to the communists. In 1930, the Parisian authorities seized the property of the Soviet trade mission, and the government imposed restrictions on the import of Soviet goods. At the end of 1931, relations began to improve. This was primarily due to the fact that the USSR sharply reduced financial assistance FKP, as well as the deterioration of the international situation in Europe. A manifestation of the improvement in Soviet-French relations was the conclusion in November 1932 of a non-aggression pact.

Since Germany began to be seen as a potential enemy of the USSR, it was especially important that in 1933 diplomatic relations were established with the United States. The USSR tried to create a system of collective security in Europe. He was admitted to the League of Nations, concluded military-political agreements with France and Czechoslovakia. The Soviet government expressed its readiness to conclude more serious agreements with Britain and France to curb the aggressor. The USSR understood the threat of war approaching the world and its unpreparedness for it. Therefore, the sincerity of his efforts should not be doubted. However, Western countries condoned Germany in the remilitarization of the Rhineland, its participation in civil war in Spain, which ended with the victory of fascism, in the Anschluss of Austria and the occupation of Czechoslovakia. At the end of the 30s. The USSR was forced to pay serious attention to the situation that was developing near its borders. For him, there was a real threat of war on two fronts. A bloc of aggressive states was taking shape in the world, which concluded the Anti-Comintern Pact among themselves. Britain and France signed the Munich Agreement with the leading states of this pact, Germany and Italy. The USSR continued to negotiate with the Western democracies for a military agreement, but in August 1939 it became clear that it would not be reached.

This was especially noticeable in the difference in positions on the issue of attitudes towards the civil war that broke out in 1936 in Spain. In the second half of the 1930s. dramatic events unfolded in Spain. After the victory in the elections of the Popular Front in February 1936, the right-wing forces, led by General Franco, revolted. Fascist states (Germany, Italy) actively helped the rebels. At first, the Soviet Union agreed with this policy and tried to stop the intervention of Italy and Germany in this conflict, but, convinced of the inefficiency of this activity, it began to provide significant economic, political military assistance to the Republicans, including sending regular troops under the guise of volunteers. In addition to Soviet volunteers, international brigades formed by the Comintern from anti-fascists from 54 countries fought on the side of the republican government. However, the forces were still unequal. After the withdrawal of international units from Spain, the republican government fell.

In fact, despite the seemingly internal nature of the Spanish conflict, the first clash between the USSR and Nazi Germany took place here (the first assisted the Republicans, the second, together with Italy, to the rebellious General Franco). The remaining members of the League of Nations refused to intervene in the "internal conflict", which could not but raise doubts about their readiness to participate in any measures to deter aggression from the Soviet Union. If we add to this the defeat of the Republicans in the Spanish conflict, then the reasons for the beginning of the revision of the position of the USSR on the issue of choosing a side in the escalating world conflict become clear.

There was a real threat of breaking the balance of power in Europe and a world war. European diplomacy did not oppose this. She pursued a policy of appeasing the aggressor, i.e. tried, through concessions to Germany, to turn it into a reliable partner in international affairs, also sought to use Germany as a counterbalance to the foreign policy of the USSR, hoping that Germany's predatory aspirations would be directed to the East. The policy of appeasement culminated in the agreement in Munich (September 1938), which was attended by the heads of the governments of Germany, Italy, England and France. The most significant result of this meeting was the decision to annex the Sudetenland - an industrialized region of Czechoslovakia - to Germany. This was the maximum possible concession from England and France to Germany, but it only whetted Hitler's appetites. After Munich, the cooling of relations between England and France with Germany begins, and attempts are made to establish cooperation with the USSR.

Important events took place in the Far East. In July 1937, Japan launched a large-scale aggression against China. As a result of hostilities for two years, the Japanese army captured the main industrial and agricultural regions of China. In August 1937, the USSR and China signed a non-aggression pact, after which the Soviet Union undertook massive military supplies to China. Soviet instructors and volunteer pilots took part in the battles on the side of the Chinese army. Until 1939, the USSR actively supported China, but after the conclusion of the Soviet-German non-aggression pact of August 23, 1939, assistance was sharply reduced, and after the conclusion of the Soviet-Japanese treaty of April 13, 1941, it ceased almost completely.

In 1938, on the Soviet-Manchurian border in the area of ​​​​Lake Khasan (commander Soviet troops VK. Blucher) and in 1939 on the Manchurian-Mongolian border near the Khalkhin-Gol River (commander of the Soviet troops G.K. Zhukov) there were armed clashes between the Red Army and the Japanese Kwantung Army. The reasons for these clashes were the growing tension between the two countries and the desire of each side to strengthen and improve its border line. However, neither side managed to achieve a significant advantage, although the Red Army in both cases somewhat improved its position on the border.

The growth of Germany's aggression in Europe in the spring of 1939 nevertheless forced Britain and France to negotiate with the USSR. In April 1939, experts from the three countries for the first time began to consider draft treaties of mutual assistance in connection with the planned German aggression.

The positions of the negotiators were very far from each other, as each side sought to gain unilateral advantages (Western countries - to force the USSR to put up significantly more armed forces in the event of hostilities, and the Soviet Union - to increase its political influence in Poland, Romania and the Baltic states) . In addition, none of the partners wanted to take on an unequivocal obligation to enter the war in the event of hostilities against one of the possible allies. It was felt that the interlocutors were "negotiating for the sake of negotiations." Part of the explanation for this position was found after the end of the Second World War, when it became known that, simultaneously with these negotiations, the governments of England and France were trying to establish contacts with Germany and conclude an agreement with it. As for the Soviet side, here, too, priorities have changed since May 1939: on May 3, a supporter of the coalition with democratic countries M.M. Litvinov. His place was taken by V.M. Molotov, who considered it necessary to ally with Germany.

"New course" of Soviet diplomacy. In 1933, in the context of the new alignment of political forces in Europe, associated primarily with the coming to power of fascism in Germany, a significant turn took place in Soviet foreign policy, expressed, among other things, in a departure from the perception of all "imperialist" states as real enemies ready to start a war against the USSR at any moment. At the end of 1933, the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs, on behalf of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, developed a detailed plan for creating a system of collective security in Europe. From that moment until 1939, Soviet foreign policy took on a clear anti-German orientation. And its main priority is the desire for an alliance with democratic countries in order to isolate Germany and Japan. This course was largely associated with the activities of the new People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs M. M. Litvinov.
The first successes in the implementation of the new foreign policy plans of the USSR were the establishment in November 1933 of diplomatic relations with the United States and the admission of the USSR in 1934 to the League of Nations, where he immediately became a permanent member of its Council. This meant the formal return of the country to the world community as a great power. It is fundamentally important that the admission of the USSR to the League of Nations took place on its own terms: all disputes, primarily over royal debts, were resolved in its favor.
In May 1935, an agreement was concluded between the USSR and France on mutual assistance in case of possible attack any aggressor. But the accepted mutual obligations were in fact ineffective, since the treaty was not accompanied by any military agreements. Following this, an agreement on mutual assistance was signed with Czechoslovakia.
In 1935, the USSR condemned the introduction of compulsory military service in Germany and Italy's attack on Ethiopia. And after the introduction of German troops into the demilitarized Rhineland, the Soviet Union proposed to the League of Nations that collective measures be taken to effectively suppress violations of international obligations. But his voice was not heard.
Comintern: a course towards the creation of a united anti-fascist front. To implement its foreign policy plans, the USSR actively used the Comintern. Until 1933, Stalin considered the main task of the Comintern to be the organization of support for his internal political course in the international arena. The greatest criticism of Stalin's methods came from world social democracy. Therefore, Stalin declared the main enemy of the Communists of all countries of the Social Democrats, regarding them as accomplices of fascism. These Comintern guidelines led in practice to a split in the anti-fascist forces, which greatly facilitated the coming of the Nazis to power in Germany.
In 1933, along with the revision of the Soviet foreign policy, the main guidelines of the Comintern also changed. The development of a new strategic line was headed by Georgy Dimitrov, the hero and winner of the Leipzig process initiated by the Nazis against the Communists.
The new tactics were approved by the 7th Congress of the Comintern, which took place in the summer of 1935 in Moscow. The main task of the communists was now proclaimed the creation of a united anti-fascist front to prevent a world war. To this end, the Communists had to organize cooperation with all forces from the Social Democrats to the Liberals.
At the same time, the creation of an anti-fascist front and broad anti-war actions were closely linked with the struggle "for the peace and security of the Soviet Union." The Congress warned that in the event of an attack on the USSR, the Communists would call on the working people "by all means and at any cost to contribute to the victory of the Red Army over the armies of the imperialists."
The first attempt to put the new tactics of the Comintern into practice was made in 1936 in Spain.
USSR and the war in Spain. In July 1936, in Spain, General Franco led a fascist rebellion against the Republican government. Italy and Germany provided the Spanish fascists with substantial material and technical assistance. England and France proclaimed a policy of "non-intervention". This position provoked indignation on the left. Thousands of volunteers flocked to Spain different countries peace.
Soviet diplomacy found itself in a very difficult position. On the one hand, the open material and military support of Republican Spain threatened the USSR with new accusations of exporting the revolution, which meant frustrating any attempts at rapprochement with Western countries. On the other hand, leaving the leftist forces of Spain and its voluntary defenders without support inevitably threatened to lose the influence of the CPSU (b) in the international communist movement and increase sympathy for the "Trotskyists", whose positions in Spain were quite strong. Stalin could not allow this. Therefore, although with a certain delay, on October 14 the USSR openly declared its support for the Spanish Republic. Soviet military equipment was sent to Spain, two thousand advisers, including those in the fight not against fascism, but against Trotskyism, as well as a significant number of volunteers from among military specialists. However, this was clearly not enough.
The events in Spain clearly showed the need for united efforts in the struggle against the growing strength of fascism. But democracies were still weighing which regime was more dangerous for democracy - fascist or communist.
Munich Agreement. Meanwhile, the fascist powers carried out new territorial seizures. In mid-May 1938, German troops concentrated on the border with Czechoslovakia. The USSR was connected with Czechoslovakia by a mutual assistance treaty, which, however, contained a significant clause, according to which the Soviet Union could provide military assistance to Czechoslovakia only if France took similar measures. Soviet leadership nevertheless, it was ready to provide assistance to Czechoslovakia even without France, but on the condition that she herself would ask the Soviet Union about it. However, Czechoslovakia still hoped for help from its Western allies.
In September, when the situation escalated to the limit, the leaders of England and France arrived in Munich for negotiations with Germany and Italy. Neither Czechoslovakia nor the USSR were admitted to the "conference". The Munich Agreement finally fixed the course of the Western powers to "appease" the fascist aggressors, satisfying Germany's claims to seize the Sudetenland from Czechoslovakia. Nevertheless, the Soviet Union was ready to provide assistance to Czechoslovakia, guided by the Charter of the League of Nations. For this, it was necessary that Czechoslovakia applied to the Council of the League of Nations with a corresponding request. But ruling circles Czechoslovakia did not.
The hopes of the USSR for the possibility of creating a collective security system were finally dispelled after the signing in September 1938 of the Anglo-German, and in December of the same year, the Franco-German declarations, which were essentially non-aggression pacts. In these documents, the contracting parties declared their desire "never again to wage war against each other" and to resolve all issues through consultations.
The Soviet Union, seeking to protect itself from a possible military conflict, began searching for a new foreign policy line.
Far East policy of the USSR. Despite the obvious complexity of the European foreign policy course, the situation on the western borders of the USSR was relatively calm. At the same time, on its Far Eastern borders, stormy diplomatic and political conflicts resulted in direct military clashes that changed political map region.
The first military conflict took place in the summer - autumn of 1929 in Northern Manchuria. The stumbling block was the CER. According to the 1924 agreement between the USSR and the Beijing government of China, Railway came under joint Soviet-Chinese control. But by the end of the 20s. the Chinese administration was almost completely pushed aside by Soviet specialists, and the road itself and the subdivisions servicing it actually became the property of the Soviet Union. This situation became possible due to the extremely unstable political situation in China. But in 1928, the government of Chiang Kai-shek came to power, which began to pursue a policy of unification of all Chinese territories. It tried to regain by force the positions lost on the CER. An armed conflict broke out. Soviet troops defeated the Chinese border detachments that had begun hostilities on Chinese territory.
At that time, in the Far East, in the face of Japan, the world community received a powerful hotbed of inciting a military threat. By capturing Manchuria in 1931, Japan created a direct military threat to the Far Eastern borders of the Soviet Union, moreover, the CER, which belonged to the USSR, ended up on the territory controlled by Japan. The Japanese threat forced the USSR and China to restore diplomatic relations. In November 1936, Germany and Japan signed the so-called Anti-Comintern Pact, which was later joined by Italy and Spain. In July 1937, Japan launched a large-scale aggression against China. In such a situation, the USSR 18 China went to mutual rapprochement. In August 1937, a non-aggression pact was concluded between them. After the signing of the treaty, the Soviet Union began to provide significant technical and material assistance to China. In the battles, Soviet instructors and volunteers from among the Air Force pilots fought on the side of the Chinese army.
In the summer of 1938, separate armed clashes began between Japanese and Soviet troops on the Soviet-Manchurian border. A fierce battle took place in August 1938 near Lake Khasan, not far from Vladivostok. On the part of Japan, this was the first reconnaissance in force. It showed that it would hardly be possible to take the Soviet borders in a rush.
Danilov A.A., Kosulina L.G.
Russian history. XX century: Proc. book. For 9 cells. general education institutions