Western Ukrainian lands within the Austrian Empire. Western Ukrainian lands within the Austrian Empire

1. Creation of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Political reforms in the empire and changes in the administrative-territorial structure of Western Ukrainian lands On February 8, 1867, as a result of negotiations between the Austrian government and the leaders of the Hungarian political parties, the Austro-Hungarian Empire was created. On December 21, 1867, Emperor Franz Joseph I approved the Austro-Hungarian agreement and constitution. The Austrian Empire was turned into dual (dualistic) state, called the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Hungary gained political and administrative autonomy, it had its own government and parliament - the Sejm.

Some changes took place in the position of the Western Ukrainian lands that were part of the empire. Although Galicia was led by an Austrian governor from among the Polish magnates, the region received limited autonomy. Back in 1861, the Galician Regional Seim began its work in Lvov. Polish landlords and entrepreneurs gained the advantage in it, but the right to vote (the right to elect and be elected to the Galician Seim) also had Ukrainians, especially the peasants. The imperial government refused to satisfy the long-standing Ukrainian demand - to divide Galicia into two administrative units - Ukrainian(Eastern Galicia) and Polish(Western Galicia). As before 1867, there was the "Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria".

Internal self-government was also granted Bukovina, however, Ukrainians' access to the Bukovina Seim was limited: it was dominated by Romanians and Germans.

Transcarpathia became part of Hungary and did not receive any self-government.

2. Socio-economic situation of Western Ukrainian lands in the second half of the XIX century. Despite the industrial revolution that began in the Austrian Empire in the 30s and 40s, in the last third of the 19th century. Austria-Hungary was one of the backward European countries with numerous feudal remnants.

The development of industry and market relations in various areas of Austria-Hungary took place unevenly. The Czech Republic and Austria achieved the greatest industrial development, while Galicia, Bukovina, Transcarpathia, as well as Slovakia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and some other areas lagged behind in their socio-economic development.

Eastern Galicia, Northern Bukovina, Transcarpathia preserved< strong>agrarian character economy The majority of the population was employed in agriculture. The development of the economy in the Western Ukrainian lands was increasingly determined by the interests of the large factory industry of the western and central provinces of the empire.

The industry of Western Ukrainian lands under the rule of Austria-Hungary in the last third of the XIX century. almost entirely in the hands foreign capitalists (German, Austrian, Canadian). During the 70s - 80s. 19th century there was also an intensive process of formation factory industry , mainly oil-producing, flour-grinding, alcohol-vodka, timber processing industries. Steam engines began to be widely used at these enterprises.

But in the economic structure of Austria-Hungary, the western Ukrainian lands were assigned the role sales market finished goods and a source of raw materials and labor for the industrialized provinces. Western industry could not bear competition cheap goods and started decline . The imperial government actually did not take measures for the development of industry in Western Ukraine. Western Ukrainian entrepreneurs were not provided with tax benefits, which were used in the western provinces. Access to Western Ukrainian goods to the markets of Austria-Hungary and neighboring countries was actually closed. At the same time, there were benefits for the export of raw materials and semi-finished products from the region.

Proclaimed in 1848 peasant reform , whose main position was abolition of serfdom, was carried out in the 50s. The government did everything to ensure that the losses of the landlords were minimal and that they received everything necessary to adapt to the new economic conditions.

After the reform, Western Ukraine remained the edge landlord latifundia. Large landowners who owned 5 or more thousand hectares owned more than 40% of all land. Despite the large remnants of serfdom, agriculture in Western Ukraine in the second half of the XIX century. gradually developed in a market way: in civilian workers worked on landlord and rich peasant farms. By the end of the XIX century. in the Western Ukrainian lands there were over 400 thousand permanently employed and occasionally hired workers. Agricultural machinery was used more and more, and the specialization of regions deepened.

3. The problem of agrarian overpopulation and the beginning of mass labor emigration of Western Ukrainians. At the end of the XIX century. 75% of the total population was employed in agriculture and forestry in Western Ukraine. The active differentiation of the peasantry led to the fact that at the turn of the century in the Western Ukrainian lands there were almost 80% of the poor, 15% of the middle peasants and only 5% of economically strong prosperous peasant farms. Peasant landownership of this era was characterized by an increase in the number of peasant farms as a result of fragmentation, which was accompanied by a progressive reduction in land holdings.

On this basis, the problem of agrarian overpopulation in Western Ukrainian lands became acute, and mass labor emigration of Western Ukrainians began. Main reasons mass labor emigration became:

The impoverishment of the majority of the peasants, the lack of land, the search for salvation from starvation;

- low earnings or their complete absence;

The fear of the not yet ruined peasants before future poverty;

The burden of national oppression and political lawlessness. Seeking a way out of the critical situation, the Western Ukrainian peasants began go abroad- to Canada, USA, Argentina, Australia, Brazil, etc. At the end of the XIX century. 250 thousand people emigrated from Eastern Galicia and Northern Bukovina, and 170 thousand from Transcarpathia. In the future, this process tended to increase.

At this time, there was also temporary (seasonal) wage emigration from Western Ukraine to Hungary, Romania, Austria, Germany, France, Russia. But in general, labor emigration of Western Ukrainians (in total, over 1 million people went abroad before the First World War) only partially solved the problem of agrarian overpopulation and softened the situation in the countryside.

4. Ukrainian national and socio-political movement in Western Ukrainian lands in the second half of the X IX in.

4.1. Consequences of constitutional reforms in the Austrian Empire. In the Western Ukrainian lands, the Ukrainian national and socio-political movements gained greater scope after the constitutional reforms in the Austrian Empire in the 60s. These reforms created a solid foundation for the revitalization of the national and socio-political life of all the peoples of the empire, and in particular the Ukrainians. The establishment of parliamentarism gradually changed social psychology. The masses of the population turned from silent subjects into citizens who trusted the authorities. The declaration, albeit formal, of the equality of all the peoples of the empire awakened national dignity - the first necessary basis for national revival.

In the 60s. 19th century As a result of the actual ban on the Ukrainian language in the Russian Empire, the influx of Ukrainian literature in Galicia intensified, which significantly intensified the processes of national self-determination here. But the Galician Ukrainians split into Muscovites and populists, who competed with each other.

4.2. Moskvofilstvo (Russophilism). Founders and leaders Muscovites were D. Zubritsky, B. Diditsky, N. Malinovsky, A. Dobryansky. It was generated by the difficult conditions of national life in Austria-Hungary. Initially, it had a relatively progressive character. It combined, on the one hand, resistance to forced Polonization, the loss of illusions and hopes for the Austrian government, which supported the policy of suppressing Ukrainians in Galicia by the forces of the Polish nobility, and, on the other hand, disbelief in the possibility of a Ukrainian nation and the search for support in an ethnically related state.< /p>

Preconditions the emergence of Muscovites were: the loss of the Ukrainian people of their own statehood; centuries of foreign enslavement; fragmentation and isolation of individual lands; denationalization of the educated elite; low level of national consciousness of the masses.

At first, Moscowphilism had cultural direction, advocating that Russian became the literary language in Galicia. However, gradually it began to gain political coloration, promoting the idea of ​​ethnic identity of Russians, Ukrainians and Galician Rusyns, denying the existence of Ukrainians as a nation, arguing the need to unite all Slavs under the patronage of Russia.

4.3. Narodovtsy. It was in contrast to the Muscovite movement in the early 60s. 19th century and there arose Narodovtsy, who were guided by Ukrainian people and advocated the introduction of the Ukrainian language and literature into all spheres of life.

The populist movement arose on the basis of ideas national revival, formulated by the "Russian Trinity" and the Cyril and Methodius Brotherhood, and was formed under the influence of the work of T. Shevchenko, P. Kulish, N. Kostomarov. Based on the fact that Ukrainians are a separate nation living on the territory from the Caucasus to the Carpathians, the populists advocated the unity of all Ukrainian lands and the development of a single Ukrainian language based on folk dialects. Narodovtsy defended the rights of the Ukrainian people to state life.

The leaders of the populists were Vasily Barvinsky, Yu. Romanchuk, V. Navrotsky, A. Ogonovsky, A. Vakhnyanin. They carried out a wide scientific and educational work. In particular, on their initiative in 1864 the first Ukrainian theater was founded in Lvov, in 1861 - the cultural and educational organization "Russian conversation", in 1861 - "Prosvita". Of great importance for the development of the Ukrainian language and literature was the creation in 1873 in Lvov of the Literary Society named after. T. Shevchenko, which in 1892 was reorganized into the Scientific Society. T. Shevchenko.

The impetus for the beginning of active political activity of the populists was the elections of 1879. to the Galician Sejm, when the Ukrainians, led by the Muscovite Russian Council, were able to get three of their representatives through.

In 1890, Yu. Romanchuk, S. Sembratovich, O. Barvinsky, through the mediation of V. Antonovich, concluded a compromise agreement with the Polish political circles and the Austrian government, which was called "New Era". The agreement provided for the concessions of the Austrian government to the Ukrainians, the recognition of the rights of the Galician Ukrainians as a separate people. It was planned to provide Ukrainians with a certain number of seats in the parliament in the Galician Seim, the opening of gymnasiums in response to loyalty Ukrainians to the Austrian authorities. But already in 1894, the parties, dissatisfied with the actions of each other, abandoned the “New Erean POLICY”.

In 1890, a significant part of the populists united in Russian-Ukrainian Radical Party, sharply condemning the policy of the "New Era" and continued the opposition struggle. In 1899, the main part of the Narodniks, part of the Radicals formed Ukrainian National Democratic Party.

4.4. "Education". "Enlightenment" - Ukrainian-cultural society, founded in Lvov on December 8, 1868 by a group of populists. It was the first cell of "Enlightenment" in the Ukrainian lands. The Prosvita Society in Galicia was born in opposition to anti-Ukrainian currents in cultural life: colonialist, supported by the tsarist government, on the one hand, and Muscovite, on the other.

The main task society was to promote the education of the Ukrainian people in the cultural, national-political and economic directions. In the early 90s. 19th century "Enlightenment" began to open its own reading rooms. The activities of the branches were coordinated by the main branch in Lviv. The Society published works by leading Ukrainian writers, school textbooks, popular brochures, newspapers and magazines, literary and scientific almanacs. Through printed publications, reading rooms, a wide network of circles, "Enlightenment" carried culture, knowledge and national consciousness to the masses and was an important factor in the consolidation of Galician Ukrainians.

4.5. Radicals. In the mid 70s. in Galicia, a young intelligentsia appears, which has become critically evaluate the activities of both Muscovites and Narodniks, and sought to give the Ukrainian movement a more revolutionary character. Under the influence of M. Dragomanov, young Ukrainian politicians I. Franko, M. Pavlik, O. Terletsky and others turned to socialism. So in the Ukrainian movement arose the so-called radical flow.

The radicals criticized the existing system, Muscovites and Narodniks, sought to defend the interests of the peasants and workers in specific cases. They stood up for the national and social liberation of the Ukrainian people, the reunification of Ukrainian lands into a single state.

The radicals stepped up the activities of all Ukrainian patriots of Galicia. They came to the realization of the need to unite their efforts within the framework of a single organization. Such an organization has become people's council, created by the populists in 1885. This organization set itself the task of continuing the work of the Main Russian Council of 1848. The People's Council became the prototype of a political party. In 1890, in Lvov, radicals created Russian-Ukrainian Radical Party - the first Ukrainian political party.

Ukraine did not have its own state. Its territory was divided between the Russian and Austrian empires. An imperial administrative-territorial structure has spread in Ukraine, created to overcome the spirit of opposition, the use of Ukrainian natural and human resources for the needs of the two empires.

Events of the end of the 18th - the first third of the 19th century. led to the loss by the Ukrainian people of those fortunes and strata that were able to protect their cultural, economic, social and political interests. Using this, official St. Petersburg and Vienna pursued a policy of national and social oppression. A special stage in the history of Eastern Galicia and Bukovina was the period of enlightened absolutism of Maria Theresa and Joseph II.

In the international arena, the role of Ukraine was reduced to using it as a military-strategic base for the successful conduct of wars. This manifested itself especially clearly in Napoleon's plans for Ukraine and in the policy of Alexander 1 to revive the Ukrainian Cossacks for the sake of participating in the Patriotic War of 1812 and the foreign military campaign of 1813-1814. International events of the first third of the XIX century. led to the liquidation of the Transdanubian Sich and at the same time created favorable conditions for the development of the lands of the Northern Black Sea region.

Ukrainian lands within the Russian and Austrian empires in the late 18th - first half of the 19th century.

As a component of European civilization, Ukraine began to be imbued with such ideas as “people”, “nation”, “people's rights”. Having lost even the remnants of the Cossack statehood, the Ukrainian elders, clergy, wealthy Cossacks and peasants faced the threat of losing their social achievements. Defending her leading social position, the foreman turned to Ukrainian history, recalling the fight for liberation jointly with the people, about her social origin.

Under the influence of European ideas and interest in their own destiny, the best representatives of the Cossack foreman were imbued with the idea of ​​nationality. They more and more clearly understood their unity with the people, they were proud of the people, that is, of their own, heroic past, original culture, high ideals. Kharkiv University became the center of cultural and national revival.

Under the influence of the ideas of the Great French Revolution, individual representatives of Ukrainians from the oppositional Russian government groups of autonomists realized the national idea of ​​the revival of the state as a guarantor of protecting the interests of the people. An outstanding work, asserting the national idea in Ukrainian socio-political thought, was the "History of the Rus".

Thanks to the efforts of the Greek Catholic clergy, national life was gradually awakened in Western Ukraine. Here, the Greek Catholics achieved the introduction of academic disciplines in the Ukrainian language in primary schools, opened more than 400 new schools. The highest achievement in Western Ukraine was the activity of the “Russian Trinity” circle, which started a new Ukrainian literature in Eastern Galicia, opposed the policy of denationalization, and called for the unity of both parts of Ukraine.

Materials » Western Ukrainian lands within the Austrian Empire. National revival in Ukraine. Cyril and Methodius Brotherhood

Western Ukrainian lands within the Austrian Empire. National revival in Ukraine. Cyril and Methodius Brotherhood

The first signs of a growing interest in the cultural aspects of the national problem appear at the beginning of the 19th century. in the ancient city of Przemysl - the center of the Greek Catholic diocese, where there was a seminary and rich libraries. The Przemysl clergy were famous for their education. For several decades, this westernmost point of the historical territory of Ukraine played for Austrian Ukrainians almost the same role in the development of their national self-consciousness, which for Russian Ukrainians at about the same time played its easternmost part - Kharkiv region. The most prominent representative of the Przemysl circle was Ivan Mogilnitsky, a high-ranking church hierarch who was in charge of primary education in the diocese. In 1816, with the support of Bishop Mykhailo Levytsky, Mogilnytsky organized the so-called "Clerical Society", the initial goal of which was to popularize the Holy Scriptures for Ukrainian peasants in their native language. This was an event that ran counter to the then Polonophile sentiments of the Western Ukrainian elite. In addition to the influence of Herder and the Kharkov romantics, Mogilnitsky and his like-minded people, apparently, were also guided by more "earthly" considerations: after all, without having Ukrainian church texts and being forced to use Polish ones, Western Ukrainian peasants could gradually easily switch from Greek to Roman Catholicism.

The practical results of the activities of the Mogilnitsky Society were quite modest and amounted to the publication of several prayer books and primers, and it itself soon disintegrated. This society drew attention to the language issue, which remained central to the Western Ukrainian intelligentsia for the next decades. In addition to the Przemysl circle, in the 1820s, several more lone antique dealers in Eastern Galicia collected historical and folklore materials. These are historians Mikhailo Garasevich and Denis Zubritsky, as well as linguists and ethnographers Iosif Levitsky and Iosif Lozinsky. However, the impact of their works on the development of national identity in Western Ukraine was limited, because they were all written in Latin, German or Polish.

In the 1830s, the center of activity aimed at raising national consciousness moved to Lviv. Here the young come to the fore; idealistic seminarians, carried away by Herder's ideas. The leader of their circle was 21-year-old Markiyan Shashkevich. The young man had undoubted poetic talents, and his enthusiasm and passion were transmitted to everyone around him. Together with his close associates - the highly educated Ivan Vagilevich and the energetic Yakov Gblovatsky - Shashkevich created a creative trio, which became known as "Ruska Triytsya". In 1832, a group of students rallied around them with the complex goal of raising the local dialect to the level of a literary language without resorting to Church Slavonic and foreign borrowings. They considered the solution of this problem the only condition under which the peasants would have access to education and a better life, and the centuries-long suppressed originality of Ukrainian culture would finally find its expression.

To Greek Catholic hierarchs, the very idea of ​​literature in a simple, unprocessed peasant dialect, using a simplified Cyrillic script, seemed bold enough, if not crazy. It was made clear to Shashkevich and his friends that they could not count on the support of the church. But they were warmly supported by like-minded people in the Russian Empire. "Ruska Triytsya" quickly found a common language with such Ukrainophiles as Izmail Sreznevsky, Mikhailo Maksimovich and Osip Bodiansky. "Ruska triytsyu" was also inspired by the example of friends in the West - leaders of the Czech national movement, which had entered the heyday stage. With the help of the Czech Karel Zap, who served in the Galician administration, the young people of Lviv entered into a lively correspondence with such experienced "national awakeners" and ardent Slavophiles as the Slovaks Jan Kolar and Pavel Shafarik, the Slovene Bartolomei Kopitar and the Czech Karel Havlicek.

The next practical result of the activities of "Ruska Triytsi" was the publication of the almanac "Mermaid Dnistrovaya" -. Folk songs were collected here, as well as poems and articles on historical topics written in the local dialect. The local censor, the Greek Catholic priest Venedikt Levitsky, forbade the publication of the almanac in Lvov, and Shashkevich and his comrades were only able to publish it in distant Budapest in 1837, and almost all 900 copies sent to Lvov were confiscated by the police.

Although Rusalka Dnistrovaya, conceived as a periodical, failed from the very beginning, its example nevertheless showed that the language of the Western Ukrainian peasant could become the basis of the literary language. The authors and compilers of the almanac drew attention to the common people and their "unspoiled" culture. Under the influence of the "Mermaid of the Dnistrovoi", a slow but steady process of reorientation of the Western Ukrainian intelligentsia towards their own people began. And the hour was not far off when a large part of the intelligentsia would begin to emerge from this very people.

It was in this way, slowly and difficultly, that the national idea made its way in Ukraine. By the middle of the XIX century. this idea has not yet gone beyond a rather narrow circle of intellectuals, who, at their own peril and risk, decided the question of what, finally, is the essence of the Ukrainian nation. On the way from this early, so-called "cultural" stage of national identity to the stage of political self-determination, numerous and complex obstacles had to be overcome.

In Ukrainian society - predominantly peasant, provincial and traditionalist - apart from the intelligentsia, there was no other social group capable of perceiving the new idea of ​​national identity. Moreover, arguing that the Ukrainians are a special, separate nation, and the Ukrainian language can become an independent literary language, the intellectuals ran into skepticism and slander of their own educated fellow countrymen, for whom the attraction of prestigious and more developed cultures, especially Polish and Russian, turned out to be truly irresistible. However, the "national awakeners" did not give up, because, on the one hand, they saw successful examples of the solution of all these issues by the West Slavic intelligentsia, on the other hand, they believed that their idealized "common people" needed their activities.

One of the indicators of the activation of the socio-political movement was the emergence of a political circle of Petrashevists in St. Petersburg and the Cyril and Methodius Society in Kyiv.

A secret political organization, named in honor of the famous Slavic enlighteners "Slavic Society of St. Cyril and Methodius", arose in Kyiv in January 1846. The society assumed the liberation and unification of the Slavic peoples who were under the yoke of foreign invaders - Turkish, Austrian, Hungarian and German feudal lords. The founders of the society teacher N.I. Kostomarov, official N.I. Gulak and student V.M. Belozersky, their primary goal was to spread the ideas of the unity of the Slavic peoples. These three were, so to speak, in the "core of the conspirators." Two other prominent figures and already well-known writers - Panteleimon Kulish and Taras Shevchenko - were only indirectly connected with the Cyrillo-Methodianists, but this connection was used as a pretext for their arrest. It turned out that the society was not only not very large, but also not very active: in the 14 months of its existence, it only gathered a few times for many hours of philosophical and political debates (on one of them the scammer Petrov was present) and prepared several policy documents .

Among these latter, Kostomarov's "The Book of the Life of the Ukrainian People" deserves special attention. The national question, which was clearly at the center of attention of the Cyrillo-Methodians, was resolved in the broad context of pan-Slavism. The document contained a demand for the free development of the cultures of "all Slavic peoples." Moreover, it was proposed to form a Slavic federation similar to the United States of America, with all appropriate democratic institutions and with the capital in Kyiv. According to Kostomarov and his associates, contemporary Ukrainian society, the most humiliated and oppressed of all Slavic societies, is at the same time "the most equal", since it does not have its own nobility. That is why Ukraine was assigned a decisive role in the program of Cyril and Methodius: it was she who was to lead the movement of all Slavic peoples towards a future federation with equal rights. The author of the "Book of Genesis ..." in a pseudo-biblical style describes the coming "resurrection" of his country: having risen from the grave, she will call the Slav brothers, and the Slavs will rise, and Ukraine will become a free republic in an indestructible Slavic union... And then all the peoples will indicate that place on the map where Ukraine is marked, and they say: "The stone that the builders rejected has become the head of the corner" ...

Apparently, most of the members of the Cyril and Methodius Society (except for Shevchenko and some others) doubted the ability of their "dreamy and tender" countrymen to control their own destiny completely independently.

With relative unity in understanding what should be done, the Cyril-Methodians disagreed on the question of what is more important and where to start. Kostomarov believed that the most important thing was brotherhood and the coming union of all Slavs. Shevchenko passionately called for the social and national liberation of Ukrainians. Kulish emphasized the need for priority development of Ukrainian culture. At the same time, most members of society adhered to evolutionary views, considering the education of the people, propaganda and "moral example" to the authorities to be the best means of achieving goals. Shevchenko and Gulak, who argued that only a revolution could bring the desired changes, remained in the minority. However, these differences between Cyril and Methodius should not be exaggerated, because, without a doubt, they were all united by common values ​​and ideals, and most of all, by a passionate desire to change the socio-economic, cultural and political fate of Ukraine for the better.

Despite the relatively innocent nature of the Cyril and Methodius Society, the tsarist government nevertheless decided to punish its organizers roughly. However, when determining the degree of punishment, an "individual approach" was taken. Kostomarov, Kulish and other moderate members of society got off relatively lightly - a short-term exile, as a rule, to the provincial cities of Russia, after which they were allowed to return to teaching, literary and scientific studies. Gulak had to serve three years in Shlisselburg, which fortress (Kostomarov, however, also spent about a year in Petropavlovka). The significance of the Cyril and Methodius Society seems to be very important for the entire subsequent Ukrainian history. First, it was the first attempt by the intelligentsia, albeit an unrealized one, to advance national development from the "cultural" stage to the political one. Secondly, this attempt drew the attention of the tsarist government (which was still trying to play the "Ukrainian card" against "Polish dominance in the western provinces") to the potential danger of "Ukrainophilism". The reprisal against the Cyril and Methodius was the first signal for an anti-Ukrainian turn in the policy of official circles and marked the beginning of a long and unceasing struggle that unfolded between the Ukrainian intelligentsia and the imperial administration.

It should be added to the above that the process of spreading national self-consciousness from the very beginning proceeded differently in Eastern Ukraine and in Western Ukraine. On the Left Bank at that time, the Cossack traditions and the memory of centuries of self-government were still strong, and the intelligentsia itself was more numerous and educated than on the Right Bank, and therefore the beginning of national self-understanding looked quite promising. But as soon as this self-understanding stepped over certain, "permissible" limits, it met a ruthless and invincible enemy in the person of the tsarist government - which was shown by the reprisal against the Cyril and Methodius.

In Eastern Galicia, the success of the national movement was more modest, and its main opponent was the conservative Greek Catholic elite. The dramas played out here were quieter, and the "national awakeners" slowly but surely continued to do their job. And here's what was also important: despite the significant differences in difficulties and tasks, Western and Eastern Ukrainians are beginning to show mutual interest in each other - and this is after centuries during which there were practically no ties between them. Thus gradually began the process of national integration.

After the division of the Commonwealth in 1772, the territory of Galicia came under the rule of the Austrian Empire. The territory of Bukovina was ceded to Austria in 1775, Transcarpathia fell under its rule in the 17th century.

Galicia was the largest of the Ukrainian lands that were part of the Austrian monarchy. Together with the Polish lands, it was united into the "Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria" with a center in Lviv (Lodomeria is a distorted Latin name for Volhynia, comes from the city of Vladimir-Volynsky), therefore, the name Eastern Galicia began to be used for Ukrainian lands proper. The population of Eastern Galicia in 1846 amounted to just over 3 million people. There were 56 cities and 138 towns. The largest city was Lvov (population about 70 thousand people).

The region was significantly inferior in its economic development to other parts of the empire, in particular, at the beginning of the 40s of the XIX century. there were only 50 enterprises, of which 34 were in Lvov. At the beginning of the century, the first oil refinery in Europe was built near Borislav. The land was dominated by large landownership - on average, one estate accounted for 440 hectares of land, while in peasant farms this figure was 6 hectares.

Dissatisfaction with the existing order caused mass demonstrations of the peasants. The oprishki movement gained wide scope in 1810-1825. under the leadership of Yura Ozhenyuk, Dmitry Marusyak and others, the Austrian government sent significant forces to suppress the uprising, field courts were introduced. In the 1930s, unrest again covered large areas. The most significant was the performance of the peasants in the Chortkiv region in 1838, the reason for which was a rumor about the restriction of corvée.

Bukovina was one of the most backward provinces of Austria. At first it was united with Galicia, later it was separated into a separate province - the duchy. Bukovina belonged to ethnically Ukrainian territories (the so-called Northern Bukovina) and lands inhabited by Romanians. The Austrian government considered them to be one people, because both of them were Orthodox, and the lords here were predominantly Romanians. In 1851 its population (including Southern Bukovina) did not exceed 380 thousand people. The basis of the economy was agriculture, in the mountains the peasants were engaged in cattle breeding, hunting, and timber rafting. The peasants had heavy duties, such as the construction of communication lines, land tax, military service (which lasted 14 years). The largest city was Chernivtsi.

In 1843-1844. in Northern Bukovina, an uprising broke out, the cause of which was the ban on the use of forests by peasants. The uprising was led by Lukyan Kobylitsa, Ivan Galitsa, Nikita Povidash. The government sent military units against them, which captured L. Kobylitsa and several hundred other peasants. The mare was elected by the Bukovinians to the Austrian Reichstag. When a revolution broke out in the Austrian Empire, he returned to Bukovina, where he created a cavalry detachment of peasants who opposed the Romanian landowners. The authorities sent troops against the rebels. In one of the skirmishes, Lukyan Kobylitsa was captured and executed.

Transcarpathia at that time was administratively subordinate to Hungary. The population of the region in the middle of the century totaled 300 thousand people. The industry of the region was in its infancy. Enterprises and mines employed 1% of the total population. There were only 9 cities and 20 towns (there were barely 50 thousand philistines). The largest city was Uzhgorod - 6.8 thousand people. In Transcarpathia, peasant protests in the villages of Zarechye in 1820 and Tuts in 1826 became most acute. social and cultural life. The Austrian authorities understood the importance of the church in the life of the then society and supported it in every possible way. As early as 1774, Empress Maria Theresa proclaimed her desire to put an end to everything that could give Uniates a reason to consider themselves worse than Roman Catholics. By her decree, she even banned the use of the very word "Uniate" in private and official matters, it was replaced by the word "Greek Catholic". Educational institutions for the training of the Greek Catholic clergy were opened in Vienna and Lvov, and in 1808 the Galician metropolis was renewed.

The first after the restoration of the metropolis, Metropolitan Anton Angelovich (1808-1814) demonstrated his devotion to the Austrian emperor, when in 1809, during the capture of Lvov by Polish troops, he refused the demand to replace the name of Franz with Napoleon in the liturgy, for which he was imprisoned . Later, the Austrian Emperor awarded him the Cross of Leopold.

Metropolitan Mikhail Litvitsky (1816-1858) paid much attention to education. Only during the period of the 40s - early 50s, 1 thousand primary schools were opened in the Lviv diocese. An interesting fact is that in 1831 the metropolitan ordered seminarians to attend lectures on agronomy. The Ukrainian language was introduced in seminaries. Przemysl was a major educational center. In 1816, the priest Ivan Mogilnitsky founded the "Clerical Society" in Przemysl with the aim of disseminating religious texts in Ukrainian. I. Mogilnitsky created the "Grammar of the Ukrainian language", proved that the Ukrainian language is an equal Slavic language, and not a dialect of Polish or Russian.

In the early 1830s, the center of activity aimed at awakening the national consciousness of Western Ukrainians moved to Lvov. There, from 1833 to 1837, the cultural and educational circle "Russian Trinity" operated. Its founders were students of Lviv University Markiyan Shashkevich, Yakov Golovatsky and Ivan Vagilevich. They considered their main task to be the rise of the Ukrainian language to the literary level. Spreading knowledge about Ukrainian history and traditions. The almanacs "Mermaid of the Dniester" (1837), "A wreath for Rusyns for roasting" (1846-1847) were issued. Articles on history, philology, and folk art were printed on their pages. In 1841-1842. in one of the Czech magazines, J. Golovatsky published an essay "Journey through Galician and Hungarian Russia", where he condemned the then order, spoke about the tragic situation of the peasantry.

AT 1848 revolution began in the Austrian Empire. The emperor was forced to make certain concessions: the Constitution was proclaimed, providing citizens with freedom of speech, press, assembly, convocation of parliament (Reichstag); corvee was abolished, in particular in Galicia and Transcarpathia. Revolutionary events intensified the national life of the peoples who were part of the Austrian Empire. On May 2, 1848, a Ukrainian representative body was created in Lviv - the Main Russian Rada (it was headed by G. Yakhimovich), a draft of the national-territorial autonomy of Eastern Galicia was developed, Ukrainian symbols were restored (blue-yellow flag), and its own guard was created.

On May 15, 1848, the newspaper Zarya Galitskaya was founded. In October 1848, a congress of scientists was held in Lviv, where a program for organizing Ukrainian science and education was developed, and the construction of the People's House (library and museum) began in Lviv.

Ukrainians took part in the Slavic Congress in Prague (June 1848), where a decision was made on the equality of the Ukrainian and Polish languages ​​in Galicia, the equalization of the rights of all nationalities and religions. Ukrainians took part in the work of the Austrian parliament (39 deputies from Galicia, 5 from Bukovina), where the issue of dividing Galicia into Western (Polish) and Eastern (Ukrainian) was considered.

In 1849, peasant uprisings in Bukovina became more active, because the law on the abolition of corvée did not apply to this territory.

Subsequently, the Austrian government generally tries to level the achievements of the revolution. This leads to an armed uprising in Lviv on November 1, 1848, which was suppressed by government troops. In the conditions of the onset of the reaction, the activities of the Main Russian Rada in 1851 were prohibited, and the reforms it had begun were curtailed. Achievements of the Ukrainian national movement in 1848-1849 became the basis in the struggle for national and social liberation in the second half of the XIX century.

At the end of the 18th century, almost every state was characterized by significant territorial changes, which was associated with wars for hegemony on the European continent. Let us recall the strengthening of the Ottoman Empire, and its entry into one of the dominant places on the continent, and the Russian-Turkish wars, which, as a result, eliminated the danger of the Turkish conquest of Eastern and Central Europe. But at the same time, none of the states managed at that time to impose their hegemony on Europe, which is why the end of the 18th century. can be described as a period of relative European equality of power. And only the French Revolution and the divisions of the Commonwealth somewhat changed the situation and raised the Russian Empire to a higher level compared to other powers. In an effort to seize vast territorial expanses, the Commonwealth lost itself as a historical phenomenon, and the end of the 18th century. became fatal for her. It was then that it was divided between Prussia, the Austrian and Russian empires, which by that time exercised a significant influence on various spheres of life in Europe, and for a long time lost its state independence. So, as a result of the II and III sections of the Commonwealth, significant territories of the Right Bank of Ukraine went to the Russian Empire. The tsarist government sought to merge these lands into a single whole with the empire, as. this had previously been done with the Left-Bank Ukraine.

The historical fate of the Ukrainian people has developed in such a way that from the end of the 18th century. and practically until 1914 it was divided between the empires of the Romanovs and the Habsburgs. After the three partitions of Poland (1772–1795), the Right-Bank Ukraine (Kyiv, Volhynia, Podolia), Beresteyshchyna and Kholmshchyna were ceded to the Russian Empire, and Galicia, Bukovina and Transcarpathia became part of the Austrian Empire. In 1774, after another war with Ottoman Turkey, the Russian Empire annexed the Crimea and the northern Black Sea steppes.

M. N. Krechetnikov, general of infantry, on the orders of Catherine II, participated in the suppression of the uprising of the Gaidamaks, was the governor-general of the regions that had ceded to Russia after the second partition of Poland (1790s)

At the end of the XVIII - beginning of the XIX century. Ukrainian lands were transformed into ordinary structural divisions of the political and administrative systems of the Romanov and Habsburg empires. In place of the autonomous Ukrainian regions - Slobozhanshchyna and the Left Bank - appeared Kharkov, Chernihiv and Poltava provinces, and territories where the majority of the population were Ukrainians were annexed to the Russian provinces neighboring Ukrainian lands. The lands of the Right-Bank Ukraine, which, as part of the Commonwealth, were Kiev, Bratslav, Podolsk and Volyn provinces, were transformed into the provinces of Kyiv, Podolsk and Volyn. After the Russian-Turkish war of 1806-1812. the territory between the Dniester and Prut rivers, populated mainly by Moldovans, went to the Russian Empire. Here they created the Bessarabian region, which included the newly formed counties of Izmail, Akkerman and Khotyn with a predominantly Ukrainian population. Southern (Steppe) Ukraine - the territory of the so-called "Wild Field", which by the last quarter of the XVIII century. inhabited only by Tatars and Zaporizhzhya Cossacks, was transformed into Yekaterinoslav, Kherson and Taurida provinces.

In the provinces, the state power of the Russian Empire was represented by provincial governments headed by governors, who were appointed and removed by the emperor. The provinces consisted of districts headed by police officers. The counties, in turn, were divided into camps, led by police bailiffs. An important state institution was the Treasury. She was in charge of collecting various state taxes from the population. The established administrative and managerial apparatus was called upon to protect the imperial power in the field.

The Austrian government has developed more flexible forms of administrative-territorial division. Galicia (with part of the Polish lands) was allocated to the Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria with the center in Lvov. In 12 out of 18 districts (since the middle of the 19th century), in 50 out of 74 districts, the Ukrainian population prevailed. Since 1787 Bukovyna has been part of it as a district, and since 1849 it has received the status of a separate crown region.

Transcarpathia was part of the Pozhonsky (Bratislava) governorate and only for a short time after the revolution of 1848-1849. had the status of an autonomous Uzhgorod district. In 1867, Austria recognized Hungary's right to self-government within a single empire.

Thus, the incorporation of Ukrainian lands was accompanied by the leveling of the features of their territorial and administrative structure, forms of self-government, established courts, etc.

Economic development of Ukraine in the XIX - early XX centuries

The basis of agriculture, which in the late XVIII-first half of the XIX century. characterized by very low productivity, amounted to serf labor. Back in the middle of the 19th century, the bulk of the 13.5 million population of the Ukrainian provinces of the Russian Empire was feudally dependent peasantry, where 5.3 million were landlord peasants, and 5.2 million were state peasants. Routine agricultural implements, the lack of working cattle among the peasants, natural disasters (droughts, frosts, etc.) predetermined low yields, which on average remained at the level of sam-four, sam-five.

The most widespread serfdom was in the Right-bank Ukraine (75-90%). There, during the years 1847-1848. the imperial government carried out the so-called inventory reform, which provided for the introduction of inventory books, which recorded the norms of corvée and other duties of serfs. But these norms were determined by the landowner himself, whose landed property remained inviolable. In the Left Bank, Sloboda and Southern Ukraine, serfdom, based on historical conditions, remained the least common in comparison not only with the Right Bank, but also with Russian provinces proper. There, the percentage of serfs in the peasant environment was relatively low: they made up less than half of the local peasants.

In order to increase the profitability of their farms, the landowners intensified the exploitation of the peasants by raising the norms of corvee or by expanding land holdings at the expense of selected peasant allotments. Both the first and the second undermined the economic solvency of the peasants, i.e., the productive force on which the landlord farms were based. Separate highly educated landowners tried to raise the culture of agriculture. For this purpose, for example, Vasily Karazin, the founder of Kharkiv University, organized the Philotechnical Society, which, over the seven-year period of its existence, developed many useful recommendations, introduced many inventions and discoveries in the agricultural and livestock industries. However, there are few such examples.

A certain part of the peasants managed to acquire capital in order to redeem themselves from serfdom. Having gained freedom, they expanded the scope of their economic activity, primarily in the field of trade and industry. In the middle of the XIX century. many of them were already owners of industrial enterprises with hired workers. Such enterprises gradually replaced the landowners' manufactories.

So, the natives of Cherkasy, the sons of the former serf artisan Mikhail Yakhnenko, established in the 40s. 19th century industrial and trading company, which specialized mainly in the production and sale of sugar. Subsequently, Yakhnenko-Simirenko turned into the most prominent and richest industrialists of the Russian Empire, also known for their wide philanthropic activities.

The increase in labor productivity in the industrial production of Ukraine was facilitated by a technical revolution, the beginning of which was widely introduced in the 40s. new machinery in sugar factories. Building factory enterprises began to be built more often in cities, and not only in villages and towns, as was done before. By the middle of the 19th century, when the manufactories of the landlords were completely dilapidated, in the industry of Ukraine over 90% of all factories operating on freelance labor belonged to merchant entrepreneurs. However, in the sphere of trade in manufactured goods in the first half of the XIX century. at Ukrainian fairs (in Kyiv, Kharkov, Yelisavetgrad) merchants from the central provinces of Russia dominated - most of the profits from fair trade ended up in Russia.