Stalin vs Trotsky summary. Stalin and Trotsky - political opponents

On January 21, 1924, Lenin died, in principle, he had been ill lately and could not deal with affairs in full force. More and more power was acquired by other leaders; among the figures of the first magnitude: Trotsky - People's Commissar for Military and Naval Affairs, member of the Presidium of the Supreme Economic Council and the Politburo; Zinoviev - Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Comintern, Chairman of the Northern Commune (Petrograd), member of the Politburo; Kamenev - chairman of the STO (Council of Labor and Defense), head of the Moscow party organization, member of the Politburo; Stalin - People's Commissar of the Workers' Committee for Nationalities, General Secretary of the Central Committee, member of the Politburo. The figures of the "second row" who could influence the outcome of the struggle for power were: Bukharin, Dzerzhinsky, Tomsky, Pyatakov, Molotov, Rykov, Kalinin and others.

The death of the leader of a country is always a blow, even in the Russian Empire everything happened, as an example, the uprising of the “Decembrists” of 1825 can be cited, but here there is no heir. Trotsky was ruined by conceit and pride, how could he have thought that he, the “leader of the revolution”, behind whom were simply colossal forces of the “world behind the scenes”, and his people occupied key positions throughout Russia, would be beaten by some Georgian peasant?

Back in the spring of 1923, a "signal" was given - on the eve of the XII Party Congress, the newspaper Pravda (controlled by Bukharin) published an article by Radek "Leo Trotsky - the organizer of victory." This was an indication to the Bolsheviks who would be the new leader. Another signal: in 1923, when Petrograd had not yet been renamed Leningrad, Gatchina became Trotsky. On the eve of the congress, there was a throw-in of "black PR", the so-called first part of Lenin's will - the article "On the question of nationalities and" autonomization ", where Stalin, Ordzhonikidze, Dzerzhinsky were poured with mud. But the congress did not become a triumph for Trotsky; Stalin was much closer to the military, workers, and peasants. The article with accusations of "Great Russian chauvinism" was taken as a thing of the past.

It was not possible to win at the congress, then they began to act by covert methods: Krupskaya "remembered" about another part of Lenin's "testament" ("Letter to the Congress"). In July-August, a conspiracy was drawn up: Bukharin, Zinoviev and others at a meeting near Kislovodsk decided to reorganize the party leadership, take away the management functions from the Secretariat of the Central Committee or introduce Trotsky and Zinoviev into it. An ultimatum letter was sent to Stalin, in which they mentioned Lenin's demand of January 4 to remove Stalin from the post of general secretary. Stalin was forced to maneuver, eventually agreeing to introduce Zinoviev, Bukharin and Trotsky to the Orgburo.

At this time, a severe political and economic crisis began in Germany, the mark fell a thousand times, the industry was paralyzed. Trotsky was on fire with the idea of a German revolution, and after the victory in Germany, Europe would be in the hands of the revolutionaries. Trotsky saw himself as a leader on a pan-European level. The “showdowns” of the Russian level were curtailed for a while - the Politburo voted “yes”. Enormous funds and thousands of revolutionaries were sent to Germany, secret negotiations began with Warsaw on the passage of the Red Army troops to Germany, they (Poland) were promised to give East Prussia. Although at the same time it was decided to "revolutionize" Poland. At the same time, the Comintern was instructed to start a revolution in Bulgaria as well.

But the "world behind the scenes", or rather its European clans, did not need the European Revolution, so there were continuous overlays and mistakes. Yes, and in Russia, Bukharin, Zinoviev, Kamenev went over to the side of Stalin, who opposed this adventure, at the same time the Politburo decides that the preparations for the revolution in Germany are not completed, the revolutionary situation is overestimated, and therefore the uprising was canceled. Trotsky was furious, all his "Napoleonic" plans collapsed.

Then Trotsky launched an attack along the lines of "revolutionaries" - "bureaucrats", accusing Stalin and others of degenerating, betraying the cause of the revolution. Trotsky demands the expansion of party democracy. He was caught on this, announcing a general party discussion. Trotsky was reminded of his disputes with Lenin. As a result, at the 13th Party Conference (opened on January 16, 1924), his supporters were defeated, accused of "anti-Leninist deviationism" and "revisionism." Trotsky didn’t even come to her, he “fell ill”.

The possibility of a military coup was also neutralized, and it could have been organized, Trotsky’s positions in the army were strong: his deputy for the military people’s commissariat, Sklyansky, was transferred to the Supreme Council of National Economy by the decision of the Politburo, and Frunze, popular in the army and hostile to Trotsky, was appointed in his place. The Trotskyist Antonov-Ovseenko was removed from the post of head of the Political Directorate of the Red Army, and the Western Front of Tukhachevsky was disbanded.

Moreover, apparently, one of the main reasons for Trotsky's loss was the position of his foreign "masters", in connection with which he was swept away. But Stalin was not considered dangerous, he served Lenin, and now, they say, his environment will “correct” him ...

Sources:
Sakharov V.A. "Political testament" of Lenin: reality and myths of politics. M., 2003.
Shambarov V. Anti-Soviet. M., 2011.
Shubin A.V. Leaders and conspirators. M., 2004.
http://publ.lib.ru/ARCHIVES/K/KPSS/_KPSS.html#012
http://magister.msk.ru/library/trotsky/trotl026.htm

In the early 1920s, relations between Trotsky and Stalin escalated. Forced to obey Trotsky militarily as a member of the Revolutionary Military Council of a number of fronts, but equal to him in party and government positions (both from March 1919 were members of the Politburo of the Central Committee, from October 26, 1917 - people's commissars), Stalin, with his pride, tried to interfere in military decisions. No less proud and striving to accustom his subordinates to the unquestioning execution of orders, Lev Davidovich was not inclined to tolerate such things. As an arbiter already in 1918. Lenin had to speak. He sought to establish their normal joint work.

At this time, Trotsky, of course, was assessed as the "second person" in the leadership after Lenin. He himself quite favorably perceived the desire of part of the press and those around him to form a cult of his personality. In 1922 in paragraph 41 of the Political Regulations of the Red Army, his biography was placed. The paragraph ended with the words: “Comrade. Trotsky is the leader and organizer of the Red Army. Standing at the head of the Red Army, comrade. Trotsky leads her to victory over all the enemies of the Soviet Republic. One of the first renamed settlements was Gatchina, which received the name "Trotsk".

After the death of Lenin, a conflict broke out in the party, the central figures of which were Trotsky and Stalin. In April 1922, immediately after the XI Party Congress, the plenum of the Central Committee elected Iosif Vissarionovich as the General Secretary of the RCP (b). And to put it more precisely (as Lenin said in his letter about Stalin), he "became" the general secretary. This phrase of Vladimir Ilyich cannot be omitted, since immediately after the "election" of Stalin, no minutes of the relevant meetings were found, about who voted "for", who "against", and whether there was a vote at all. And although this administrative, in general, position did not give any special rights, it opened the way to great power ... Much depended on the person who prepared questions for the Politburo, and then controlled the implementation of decisions. And not all current issues were brought up for discussion, they could be resolved in working order. And General Secretary Stalin skillfully used this.

In the conflict that broke out, Stalin was supported by Kamenev and Zinoviev. Collisions appeared even during the discussion of Lenin's latest works. It was Trotsky who asked Lenin to defend the monopoly of foreign trade at the plenum of the Central Committee, to support a group of Georgian communists against the Stalin-Ordzhonikidze line. It must be said that Trotsky himself reacted to these requests rather evasively, citing ill health. This position was also manifested in the signing by him, together with other members of the Politburo, the Orgburo and the Secretariat of the Central Committee on January 25, 1923. (the day after the publication of Lenin's article "How do we reorganize the Rabkrin", which caused discontent of the apparatchiks) of a secret circular to the provincial party committees, which emphasized Lenin's illness and his departure from everyday party life.

Meanwhile, a discussion was unfolding in the party. Given the authority of Trotsky, the Politburo proposed the creation of a conciliation commission to develop a resolution on party building. On December 5, a commission composed of Zinoviev, Stalin and Trotsky, after much debate, adopted the agreed text. Despite his illness (he caught a cold while hunting at the end of October and was ill until the spring of 1924), Trotsky published four articles in Pravda under the general title "New Course". Here he developed his thoughts on the problem of inner-party democracy in the conditions of the Soviet system, trying to rely on the resolution of the Politburo. Recognizing the need to prevent other parties during the period of the dictatorship of the proletariat, Trotsky at the same time argued that the ban on the faction itself did not solve the essence of the issue. He saw the main danger in bureaucracy, in the apparatus regime, therefore he insisted that the "leading party bodies" should listen "to the voice of the broad masses of the party, not to consider any criticism as a manifestation of factionalism", that not the party for the apparatus, but the apparatus "is elected by it and must not leave it."

A new stage in the discussion broke out in the autumn of 1924, after the publication of the third volume of Trotsky's writings, which collected articles and speeches of 1917, and the article "Lessons of October" was offered as a preface. The author proved his unity with Lenin at that time, and called Kamenev and Zinoviev the main opponents in the party.

Undoubtedly, this historical work had a "transparent" political super-task. Therefore, immediately after its publication, a large-scale campaign began, in which the vast majority of participants were not interested in finding out the historical truth, but in the opportunity to strike back. Kamenev and Zinoviev were especially zealous. They organized demands to expel Trotsky from the leading bodies and even from the party. This was opposed by Stalin, the "genius of apparatus games", who appeared before the party in the aura of a peacemaker and received political benefits from the mutual accusations of three other party leaders. In January 1925 Trotsky agreed to submit an application to the plenum of the Central Committee for his release "from the duties of chairman of the Revolutionary Military Council." Trotsky was removed from the post of People's Commissar of the Military Sea and Chairman of the Revolutionary Military Council, His supporter K.B. Radek commented on the discussions with a playful epigram: “Dangerous business to write books in Russia. You, Leva, scribbled "Lessons of October" in vain. In May 1925 Trotsky was made chairman of the concession committee, chairman of the scientific and technical department of the Supreme Economic Council.

But life was preparing another turn. Having won, the "troika" splits. At that time, Stalin supported Bukharin, who considered possible new concessions to the peasantry, the predominant development of light industry in the coming years. Kamenev and Zinoviev accuse them, above all Bukharin, of underestimating the "kulak danger", of "right deviation". At the same time, they question the possibility of the victory of socialism in one country, the "consistently socialist" nature of state enterprises, and recall Lenin's demand to remove Stalin from the post of general secretary. An open clash occurs in December 1925. at the XIV Congress of the CPSU (b).

Now Stalin is changing. At first cautiously, and then bolder and bolder, throwing off the mask of a “modest” old Bolshevik whom the party “forced” to bear the heavy burden of the Secretary General, he more and more clearly showed a desire to get into the pantheon of great people, not disdaining any means. Already his fiftieth anniversary, he turned into a real "crowning the kingdom." Thousands of the meanest, meanest, servilely servile resolutions, greetings from the masses, concocted by the trained party, trade union and Soviet apparatus, addressed to the "dear leader", "Lenin's best student", "brilliant theoretician". Dozens of articles in Pravda, in which many authors declared themselves Stalin's disciples - this is the main background of the anniversary.

Finally, Stalin's "historical" article in The Proletarian Revolution finally and with all cynicism reveals his true intentions. To remake history in such a way that Stalin takes the "befitting" place of a great man in it - that is the innermost meaning of Stalin's article.

Just as Louis Bonaparte swore allegiance to the constitution before the chamber and at the same time prepared to proclaim himself emperor, so Stalin, in his struggle with Trotsky, and later with Zinoviev and Kamenev, declared that he was fighting for the collective leadership of the party, that “it is impossible to lead the party outside the collegium, that "it is impossible to lead the party without Rykov, Bukharin, Tomsky", that "we will not give you Bukharin's blood", that "the cut-off policy is disgusting to us", and at the same time prepared a bloodless coup, cutting off one group after another and selecting them for the Central Committee apparatus and secretaries provincial committees and regional committees of people personally loyal to him.

Gradually, organizational measures against Trotsky became tougher. October 23, 1926 the joint Plenum of the Central Committee and the Central Control Commission removed him from the Politburo, where he had not played an active role for a long time. Exactly one year later, a new plenum expelled Trotsky and Zinoviev from membership in the Central Committee. Stalin enlisted the organs of the OGPU in the fight against the opposition.

November 14, 1927 Trotsky and Zinoviev were expelled from the party. Five days later, Trotsky's longtime friend A.A. committed suicide. Ioffe. At his funeral, at the Novodevichy Cemetery, Trotsky delivered his last public speech. From December 2 to December 19, the XV Congress of the CPSU (b) was held. The speeches of the representatives of the opposition - Rakovsky, Kamenev, Muralov - were accompanied by the incessant noise of the hall, indignant cries. The paradox was that tomorrow's anti-Stalinists, such as A.I. Rykov, M.N. Ryutin, offered to throw the opposition into the "garbage pit of history", threatened "in the near future ... to increase ... the population of prisons." The congress expelled from the party about a hundred leading oppositionists, giving the signal for reprisals on the ground. The largest opposition figures were sent to various cities of the country. The prediction of one of Trotsky's supporters (who was shot in August 1936), S.V., came true. Mrachkovsky: "Stalin will deceive, and Zinoviev will run away." A few months later, Kamenev and Zinoviev fully admitted their guilt before the party and were returned to Moscow. Many others followed their example. This did not save them all from new reproach in the coming years, and then destruction.

Along with some others, Trotsky remained inflexible. January 17, 1928 he was taken with his wife and sons to the Yaroslavl railway station. On the ring road, the train went to the Central Asian direction. The final goal was Alma-Ata. Here Trotsky spent about a year. In January 1930 he is introduced to the resolution of the board of the OGPU (January 18, 1929), which provided for the expulsion of Trotsky from the USSR for provoking anti-Soviet speeches and preparing an armed struggle against Soviet power.

Meanwhile, Stalin undertakes a new stage of political repression. Beginning in 1928 first of all, from blows against the old intelligentsia, now repressions are increasingly falling on the former party opposition. Trotsky, his activities become for the OGPU-NKVD a necessary component for the charges brought. All those arrested were accused, as a rule, of "Trotskyism", of propagating his ideas, having connections with Trotsky, carrying out his instructions, and plotting a counter-revolutionary coup. In the Soviet press, Trotsky becomes an ominous symbol of the most vile plans of imperialism and fascism against the USSR. Politicians, journalists, cartoonists compete among themselves in search of the most derogatory epithets, which should show the insignificance and blackness of Trotsky's soul. There is no crime he has not been accused of. Foreign communist parties are involved in this persecution and diplomatic channels are used. In 1932 Trotsky is deprived of Soviet citizenship.

Throughout the 1930s, Trotsky did not stop political activity within the limits that were available to him. First of all, it was a literary work. As a journalist and publicist, he was unusually prolific. In addition to the autobiographical book "My Life", he writes "What is a permanent revolution?" (came out in 1930 in Berlin). At the same time, the two-volume History of the Russian Revolution was published. The works "Stalin's school of falsifications", "The betrayed revolution", "Their morality and ours", biographies of Lenin and Stalin appear. Since 1929 the Bulletin of the Opposition is published, with which he constantly cooperates.

If in 1932 he wrote that the main thing was to "remove Stalin", then in 1936. comes to the conclusion that the problem is much more serious: “The elimination of Stalin personally would today mean nothing more than replacing him with one of the Kaganoviches, whom the Soviet press would turn into the most brilliant of geniuses in the shortest possible time.” And further: "The point is ... to change the very methods of managing the economy and directing culture," emphasizing the need for a "second ... revolution." He pointed out that "Stalinism and fascism, despite the deep difference in social foundations, are symmetrical phenomena."

Meanwhile, around Trotsky, the ring was shrinking ever tighter. It seems that he himself was to a certain extent needed by Stalin during the period of the "great terror". Needed as a symbol of the Devil, Satan. But people close to Trotsky died one after another.

At about 6:20 p.m. on May 28, Jacques Mornard (Ramon Mercader) came to Trotsky with a corrected text of his article, which he had shown him a few days before. Trotsky forbade the guards to search visiting acquaintances. When Lev Davidovich sat down at his desk, Jacques pulled out a shortened ice ax from under his cloak and hit the owner of the house on the head. Trotsky was taken to the hospital, where he died on August 21, 1940. at 19:25.

Trotsky's life ended in 1961, but his books, his ideas, and his followers remained. His name will attract the attention of historians, philosophers, and economists for a long time to come. It will be discussed.

Such, in its most concise form, is the political path of Trotsky and the trend he created—Trotskyism. Trotsky is one of the most controversial figures in the history of the Russian and international revolutionary movement, a revolutionary, party and statesman of the world's first workers' state. What is instructive in his multifaceted and far from unambiguous experience? Where Trotsky showed himself as a recognized leader of the masses, a responsible leader of the party and the Soviet state, his activity is close and understandable to us. Wherever he opposed the lines of the party, Leninism opposed his own concepts and personal ambitions, his paths diverged from the party. Such is the logic of historical development.

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on the topic: "The relationship between Stalin and Trotsky"

Introduction

Conclusion

Literature

Introduction

In a normal, civilized society, politics is carried out for the people and through the people. No matter how significant the role played by social groups, mass social movements, political parties, in the final analysis, its main subject is the individual, because these groups, movements, parties and other social and political organizations themselves consist of real individuals and only through the interaction of their interests and will determine the content and direction of the political process, the entire political life of society.

Achieving the goals of broad political participation of people significantly depends on the motives that guide a person in his political activity, because the motivation itself can turn out to be so negative from the point of view of public interests that it will not contribute either to strengthening democracy in society, or moral improvement and comprehensive development of the individual.

Meanwhile, lovers of hierarchical structures are erecting a floor of parties on the foundation of the masses, constantly narrowing buildings for leaders of various ranks are raised above it, and there, you see, a platform is ready for a single leader. But where is he, elevated to the top of the pyramid, able to lead her? Behind him is impossible, because everything is under him. And how can he lead if others carry him, those who remained under him. Only one thing remains - to try to show the way from above and hope that the masses will go and bear the leader in accordance with his pointing finger. Alas, the Soviet people became convinced of the possibility of such a pyramid under Stalin. But under a different set of circumstances, this could have happened under Trotsky.

It is difficult to find in national history a pair of politicians who hate each other more than the Stalin-Trotsky pair. Meanwhile, as it becomes obvious from the analysis of their political activities, they have much more in common than different. Stalin often did what Trotsky spoke about (but did not have the opportunity to put into practice!)

Below we will try to figure out what unites these greatest political figures of the 20th century, what underlies that irreconcilable hatred that spilled so far beyond the ordinary relations of two people.

Chapter I. Stalin and Trotsky before October

The main distinguishing feature of the political career of Leon Trotsky was his special position, which did not completely coincide with any of the existing groups. As Martov noted, he was "a man who always comes with his own chair." It seems that these words accurately capture an important feature of Trotsky's character as a politician. He had a very weak ability to make political and personal compromises, and tended to a certain straightforwardness. He, due to his personal qualities, clearly lacked the art of being a conductor of a "political orchestra", which brilliantly manifested itself in Lenin, in a sense, in Stalin. Therefore, unlike the latter, Trotsky was the recognized leader of a small circle of like-minded people, but was unable to create a sufficiently massive party that would lead the broad masses of the people. At the same time, with Lenin and Stalin, as, indeed, with other Russian radicals, he was brought together by the manner of the intolerant tone of the discussion towards opponents.

Stalin was also not a real, genuine leader, but it was all the easier for him to turn into a real dictator in the course of events. He took his role not thanks to the support of the masses. He came to his undivided dominance through cunning combinations, relying on a handful of people and apparatus loyal to him, and with the help of fooling the masses. He is cut off from the masses, he is not connected with them, he does not depend on the confidence of the masses, but on terrorizing them.

Lenin was a leader, but he was not a dictator. Stalin, on the other hand, is a dictator, but not a leader.

What is the difference between a leader and a dictator? The true leader is put forward first of all by the movement of the masses, he relies primarily on the masses and on their trust, he is deeply connected with the masses, constantly rotates among them, he goes at their head, tells them the truth does not deceive them, and the masses are convinced of own experience in the correctness of his leadership and he is supported. Such was precisely Lenin, in part - Trotsky (largely due to his oratory). The dictator, on the contrary, mostly comes to power either through the suppression of the revolution, or after the wave of the revolution has subsided, or through internal combinations of the ruling clique, or through a palace coup, relying on the state or party apparatus, the army, and the police. The dictator relies mainly not on the masses, but on his loyal clique, on the army, on the state or party apparatus; he is not connected with the masses, he does not move among them, he can flirt with them and flatter them, but he deceives the masses, he rules not because the masses trust him, but most often in spite of this. The policy of the dictator is the policy of internal behind-the-scenes combinations, the policy of selecting personally loyal people to him, the policy of justifying, defending and glorifying his domination.

The first Russian revolution was an important stage in Trotsky's political biography. From a capable social-democratic publicist, known only to a narrow circle of people, he turned into one of the figures of pre-revolutionary Russia known for his theoretical works and practical work, who was faced with a new emigration with uncertain hopes for the future.

These years became the time of the sharpest disputes and mutual accusations between Trotsky and Lenin. This was explained primarily by the fact that after the retreat of the revolution of 1905-1907. in Russian social democracy, several currents stand out that fought for influence in local organizations and among industrial workers: the “liquidators”, led by P.B. Axelrod and A.N. Potresov, "otzovists" led by A.A. Bogdanov and A.V. Lunacharsky, Mensheviks led by G.V. Plekhanov, the Bolshevik-Leninists and the “non-factional” social democrat Trotsky, the national social democratic organizations of Latvia, Poland, Lithuania and the Caucasus, the Bund. They assessed the primary tasks of the labor movement and the tactics of the struggle in different ways.

First of all, Lenin accused Trotsky of phrase-mongering, lack of principle, constant vacillations, and argued that Trotsky's policy was frustrating the restoration of the RSDLP. In response, Trotsky wrote that Leninism "is incompatible with the party-political organization of the workers, but it flourishes splendidly on the manure of factional surveys." Hence the mutual strength of expressions. In January 1911 in an unpublished note, Lenin uses the phrase "Judas Trotsky." In a letter to N.S. Chkheidze Trotsky wrote about the squabble "which is kindled by the master Lenin, this professional exploiter of every kind of backwardness in the Russian workers' movement."

No one knows anything about Stalin for the entire pre-revolutionary period outside the Caucasus, or rather, a few places in the Caucasus. True, he appears at the London Congress of 1907 with a dubious and unrecognized mandate. Stalin does not utter a word during the congress and, unlike Zinoviev, who is elected to the Central Committee at this congress, leaves the congress with the same uncertainty as he arrived at it.

The attempts that began immediately after Stalin's ascension to portray him as one of the most prominent leaders of the revolutionary movement do not find the slightest support in the facts. Stalin's political development was extremely slow. In any case, he did not have those features of a "wunderkind" that some biographers want to endow him with (and which Trotsky undoubtedly possessed). While Zinoviev entered the Central Committee at the age of 26, and Rykov two years earlier, when he was not yet 24 years old, Stalin was 33 years old when he was first co-opted into the leading institution of the party.

The years of the second Russian revolution (1917-1920) became the most remarkable time for Trotsky as a politician, statesman, and leader. It was they who forever inscribed his name in the annals of history.

It was necessary to determine their political position. Already in the evening on the day of his arrival, Trotsky spoke at a general meeting of the Petrograd Soviet. The question of creating a coalition government was discussed, the Bolsheviks were against it. Trotsky said: “The Russian revolution is the prologue to the world revolution. I think that entering the ministry is dangerous. I think that your next step will be the transfer of power entirely into the hands of the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. This shows that he immediately supported the most important slogans of the Bolsheviks. Trotsky soon became one of the favorite speakers at workers' and soldiers' rallies, at the famous Modern circus, where thousands of people gathered.

At the first meeting of the VI Congress of the Bolsheviks, he, along with Lenin, Zinoviev and Kamenev, was elected honorary chairman. The recognition of Trotsky's new role was Lenin's attitude towards him. Trotsky himself wrote: “Lenin’s attitude towards me during 1917 went through several stages. Lenin met me reservedly and expectantly. The July days brought us closer at once.” Indeed, on November 1, during a debate in the Petrograd Party Committee, Lenin called Trotsky "the best Bolshevik" for his position on the issue of negotiations with the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries.

On October 10, at a meeting of the Central Committee, Trotsky voted for the decision to organize an uprising in the near future. It was under the Petrograd Soviet that the Military Revolutionary Committee was created - the legal headquarters of the uprising. At the same time, Trotsky connected the uprising with the beginning of the work of the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets, which differed from the position of Lenin, who insisted on an uprising before the congress. Ultimately, the uprising began on October 24, and the decisive events unfolded on October 25, the day the Congress of Soviets opened. Recalling that day, Bukharin wrote: “On October 25, Trotsky, a brilliant and courageous tribune of the uprising, a tireless and ardent preacher of the revolution, on behalf of the Military Revolutionary Committee, announced in the Petrograd Soviet to thunderous applause from the audience that “the Provisional Government no longer exists.” At a meeting of the Central Committee on the night of the 25th, during the discussion of the new government, Trotsky's proposal was adopted not to be called ministers, but people's commissars. On October 26, Trotsky made a report on the composition of the government at a meeting of the congress. He himself became Commissar for Foreign Affairs.

Regarding his direct duties as People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs, Trotsky later admitted that "the matter nevertheless turned out to be somewhat more complicated than I expected." The hope for an imminent European revolution gave rise to confidence that diplomatic work for the Soviet Republic was only a short-lived episode. Hence the famous phrase of Trotsky: "Here I will publish a few revolutionary proclamations to the peoples and close the shop."

Soon, sharp disagreements broke out in the Bolshevik leadership on the issue of concluding a separate peace on the most difficult conditions from the German side. If Lenin substantiated the need for peace on any terms, then the "Left Communists" agitated for a revolutionary war. Trotsky took a special position, putting forward the slogan "No peace, no war", which meant the end of the war, the refusal to sign peace and the demobilization of the army. The calculation was for a quick revolution in Germany and Austria-Hungary and the inability of Germany to conduct a large-scale offensive.

After negotiations culminating in the signing of a peace treaty, Trotsky resigns as People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs and immediately receives a new appointment. On March 13, he becomes People's Commissar for Military Affairs, replacing I.I. Podvoisky. On April 6, he also headed the People's Commissariat for Naval Affairs, and on September 6, Trotsky became chairman of the Revolutionary Military Council of the Republic, created to lead the army, navy and all institutions of the military and naval departments. He held these posts until January 26, 1925. In the conditions of the most severe civil war that engulfed the entire vast territory of the former Russian Empire, his activities, of course, were of decisive importance. It was these years that put Trotsky next to Lenin in the minds of many people, made his name truly known to every inhabitant of the country.

In literature and journalism, many stereotypes have been created about Trotsky's activities during the Civil War. Basically, they come down to his cruelty, the use of terror and executions, detachments and concentration camps. Without intending to justify the leader of the Red Army, because all this is true, at the same time we will try to get rid of some simplified assessments.

How did it happen that a man who had never served in the army, who had no military education, not only found himself in the role of the supreme commander, but, with all his shortcomings, coped with this task. First of all, we recall that Trotsky was a political leader who left the solution of military tasks to professionals - Vatsetis, S.S. Kamenev and others. The main problems that he solved were the creation of a standing army and its apparatus, the involvement of specialists, officers and generals of the tsarist army, the fight against "partisanism" and the establishment of iron discipline (unconditional obedience to orders).

The post-revolutionary reality more and more destroyed the initial illusions of the Bolsheviks about the peaceful transfer of power: a strike of employees and intelligentsia who did not want to recognize the new government, mutual cruelties during the fighting in Moscow and during the suppression of the junkers in Petrograd, the success of the Socialist-Revolutionaries in the elections to the Constituent Assembly, "independence" places that did not want to follow the orders of the central government, the growing wave of anarchy and decay with their "drunken riots" and senseless murders, mutual executions of prisoners in the Don and Kuban, the most brutal suppression of the Finnish revolution in May 1918. - all this posed the question: how to retain power, how to curb the elements? To this was added general fatigue from the war, the just irritation of the peasantry with the food policy of the Soviet government, the arbitrariness of many of its representatives in the field. The civil war acquired enormous proportions, protracted nature and unprecedented cruelty. Suffice it to say that in 1919-1920. There were hundreds of thousands of deserters in the Red Army. The problem of rebellions, betrayals of individuals and entire military units was also real. For example, in nine days (from June 26 to July 4, 1918), three commanders of the 2nd Army on the Eastern Front ran over to the side of the enemy one after another. This is, of course, a unique case, but very revealing. In February 1918 the sailor detachment, which went to the front near Narva, refused to obey the orders, and its commander, people's commissar P.E. Dybenko, could not restore order.

Under these conditions, the Bolsheviks take from history the experience of the Jacobins. Repressions are becoming an integral element of politics, primarily military. Trotsky himself was convinced of the need for this. Many years later he wrote: “It is impossible to build an army without repressions. You can't lead masses of people to their death without having the command of the death penalty in their arsenal. As long as proud of their technology, evil tailless monkeys called people build armies and fight, the command will put the soldiers between possible death ahead and inevitable death behind. It seems that if Trotsky had been in Stalin's place in 1937, the repressions would inevitably have been repeated (and possibly on a larger scale).

At the same time, Trotsky insisted that all repressions should be carried out in court, recalling the inadmissibility of lynching of prisoners. In an order dated December 10, 1918. it was stated: "I strictly forbid the shooting of captured ordinary Cossacks." It was not just a phrase for external use. In May 1919 Trotsky wrote to the Revolutionary Military Council of the 2nd Army: “Of course, in a combat situation, under fire, commanders, commissars ... may be forced to kill a traitor, a traitor, a provocateur on the spot. But with the exception of this exceptional provision ... executions without trial ... can in no way be allowed. However, the same executions were a measure to combat this in a war situation. In order No. 92 for the troops of the Eastern Front dated May 1, 1919. it was emphasized: "The opponents who surrendered or were captured should not be shot in any case ... Unauthorized executions ... will be mercilessly punished according to the laws of wartime." By the way, here it is worth recalling the order of A.V. Kolchak dated March 27, 1919. for No. 273, according to which prisoners of war of the Red Army of two categories - "volunteers from workers and former sailors and volunteers from peasant farmers" - were required to "transfer ... to prisons and camps ... for their subsequent betrayal ... military field trial for treason."

The greatest merit of Trotsky was the involvement of military specialists. During the years of the Civil War, almost a third of the officer corps served in the Red Army, 82 percent of the commanders of armies and fronts had a military education. He emphasized that "for one traitor there are a hundred reliable, for one defector - two or three killed." These years, of course, became the time of the most friendly work of Lenin and Trotsky. At the Eighth Party Congress, in the absence of Trotsky, who urgently left for the Eastern Front, Lenin, answering the speakers from the "Military Opposition", said: "If you can accuse Trotsky of not pursuing the policy of the Central Committee, this is a crazy accusation . You don't give any reason." In July 1919, wanting to support Trotsky in the face of disputes in the party leadership and even Trotsky's attempt to resign, Lenin wrote the following text on a blank letterhead: “Comrades! Knowing the strict nature of Trotsky's orders, I am so convinced, absolutely convinced of the correctness, expediency and necessity for the good of the cause given by Comrade. Trotsky orders that I support this order entirely. V. Ulyanov-Lenin. Finally, on October 17, 1919, when Trotsky was in Petrograd, repulsing the attacks of Yudenich, Lenin, in a letter to him, attaching an appeal, noted: “I was in a hurry - it turned out badly. Better put my signature under yours. According to Gorky, Lenin once said: “But they would point out another person who is able to organize an almost exemplary army in almost a year, and even win the respect of military specialists.”

Chapter II. Great Confrontation

Conclusion

stalin trotsky politics the great confrontation

What is the essence of unprincipled politicking? In the fact that on one issue today they adhere to the same convictions, and tomorrow (under the same situation and conditions, or under changed, but not actually justifying such a change in political behavior - in the interests of an individual or a clique) - directly opposite. One thing is being proved today, but tomorrow on the same question, under the same conditions, another. At the same time, the unprincipled politician considers himself right and consistent in both cases. He speculates on the fact that the masses today often forget what they were told and promised yesterday, and tomorrow they will forget what they were told today. If the masses notice the trick, then the unprincipled politician tries to justify his transition to a different point of view by the fact that now the supposedly political and economic situation, the balance of class forces have changed radically, and therefore a different policy, tactics, strategy, etc. are needed.

A change in policy, tactics and strategy leads to a real change in the socio-economic situation and the balance of class forces. An unprincipled politician, even if he covers up unprincipled politicking with Marxist-Leninist phraseology, on the contrary, changes in his personal behavior or the behavior of a group subordinate the analysis and coverage of the social class situation to the party. Such was, undoubtedly, Stalin, such is the whole clique of leaders and theoreticians of his entourage. This seems to be his main difference from Trotsky - a politician who throughout his career was self-confident and independent.

Literature

1. L.D. Trotsky Stalin school of falsification. M., News, 1990

2. Pokrovsky M.N. October Revolution. M., 1990

3. Divers G. The choice of history and history against alternatives. I. Bukharin against L. Trotsky. M., 1988

4. Andreev S.S. Political authorities and political leadership. // Socio-political journal.-1993 - 1/2

5. Toker Robert. Stalin. Path to power, 1879-1929: History and personality: transl. from English. - M.: Progress, 1991

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Plan:

1.Trotsky L.D.: life and political activity.

2. Stalin I.V: the main events that determined the fate of the leader

3.Stalin - Trotsky: confrontation between prominent

politicians of the Soviet period.

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3. Heroes and anti-heroes of the Fatherland. Comp. V.M. Zabrodin. - M: "Informexpress" - "Rossiyskaya Gazeta" - "Practice", 1992.

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5. Brief philosophical dictionary. ed. M. Rosenthal, P. Yudin - M: State Publishing House of Political Literature, 1954

6. Stalin.I.V. Once again about the social-democratic deviation in our party - M: State publishing house of political literature, 1954.

7. Trotsky L.. My life - M: "Panorama", 1991.

8. Khromov S.S. Civil war and military intervention in the USSR - M: "Soviet Encyclopedia", 1983.

Introduction

Stalin and Trotsky… Two mysterious figures of our history.

If a lot has been written about the first, then until recently it was only known about the second that it was an enemy, a traitor, a "Jew", a conspirator, etc. Who are they? What contribution did they make to the history of our country? I tried to understand this for myself through the study of the materials available to me, including through the study and comparison of their biographies. But since most of the materials I use were published during the existence of the Soviet Union, and some even during the lifetime of Stalin and Trotsky, some information to this day seems ambiguous. Therefore, I tried to combine sometimes polar sources and try to balance them, of course, to the extent possible (the reliability of some data is simply impossible to verify: too much time has passed for living witnesses of the events to remain, and the documents either did not survive, or their authenticity is in doubt)

1. Trotsky L.D.: life and political activity

Lev Davidovich Trotsky (Leiba Davidovich Bronstein) was born in 1879 in the family of a Jewish landowner, in the Kherson province. In addition to him, there was also his sister Olga. He lived in the village until he was 9 years old.

In 1888 he was sent to Odessa to study at a real school. In the seventh grade, he continued his studies in the city of Nikolaev. At this time, he began to read illegal literature and met former exiles.

From the age of 18, Trotsky began to participate in the social democratic movement. In 1898 he was arrested and placed in the Nikolaevsky prison, then transferred to Odessa. During his time in prison, Trotsky read a lot, using every opportunity. All the books in the prison libraries were read. Here he first became acquainted with Marxist literature. After almost 2 years in prison, he is sentenced to exile in Siberia. In the Moscow transit prison, he married Alexandra Lvovna Sokolovskaya, one of the leaders of the South Russian Workers' Union. In the autumn of 1900 they arrived in Ust-Kut.

In 1902, leaving his wife with two daughters (the youngest was 4 months old), forged a passport and fled from Siberia abroad. Thus, instead of the exiled Bronstein, Trotsky appeared.

In 1902 Trotsky arrived in London via Zurich and Paris. Here he finds Lenin's apartment and for the first time gets to know him and Krupskaya. At this time, many prominent revolutionaries gathered abroad: Plekhanov, Martov, Zasulich, Alekselrod. work was in full swing in the editorial office of the Iskra newspaper, preparations were underway for the Second Congress of the RSDLP. Trotsky took an active part in the editorial work of Iskra and in the preparations for the congress. At the congress, Trotsky received a mandate from the Siberian Union (a regional party created on the initiative of the Tomsk Workers of the Social Democrats). Disagreements arose at the congress on the first point of the charter: who should be considered a member of the party. Lenin insisted on identifying the party with an illegal organization. Martov wanted those who work under the leadership of an illegal organization to be considered party members. Attempts by Lenin's supporters to win over Trotsky to their side were unsuccessful. Trotsky stayed with the Mensheviks.

Completed the break with Lenin and Trotsky's negative attitude to Lenin's desire to remove Alekselrod and Zasulich from the editorial board of Iskra. Lenin explained this decision by the fact that they become an obstacle on the way to the future.

In 1904, Trotsky officially left the Mensheviks. At this time, a revolutionary situation was brewing in Russia. Trotsky returned to Kyiv on a fake passport. Having got acquainted here with the prominent Bolshevik Krasin, Trotsky compiled a series of proclamations and appeals for the underground printing house, which was at the disposal of Krasin. Taking advantage of the turnout that Krasin gave him, Trotsky arrived and stayed in St. Petersburg. He plunged headlong into the turbulent revolutionary life. Collaborating in the newspapers Russkaya Gazeta, Nachala, Izvestia, he took an active part in the work of the St. Petersburg Council, in fact, was its chairman.

In the life of Russia, the revolution of 1905 was the dress rehearsal for the revolution of 1917. In Trotsky's life it had the same significance. He took shape as one of the leaders of the St. Petersburg proletariat. This is also confirmed in Lunacharsky's book Silhouette, written in 1923 and then banned. In the already cited book “Silhouettes”, which was later banned, Lunacharsky gives the following assessment of the role of the leaders of the first revolution: “The popularity of his “Trotsky” among the St. heroic (?) behavior in court. I must say that, of all the Social Democratic leaders of 1905-1906, Trotsky undoubtedly showed himself, despite his youth, to be the most prepared; time even for Lenin; more than anyone else, he felt what a state struggle is. And he came out of the revolution with the greatest gain in terms of popularity: neither Lenin nor Martov gained, in essence, anything. Plekhanov lost a great deal as a result of the semi-Cadet tendencies that manifested themselves in him. Trotsky, from that time on, stood in the front row.

On December 3, 1905, the Petrograd Soviet was arrested. Thus began the second prison cycle. During this time, Trotsky spent time in the "Crosses", in the "Peter and Paul Fortress", in the House of Preliminary Detention, in a transit prison. While in prison, from morning to evening he was engaged in literary activities, reading absolutely all new books that were somehow worthy of attention.

By a court decision, Trotsky was deprived of all civil rights and sentenced to exile in a settlement. Then the familiar road to Siberia and a stop for 2 days in Berezov (here, an associate of Peter the Great Menshikov once served a link). Just before leaving, he escaped and eventually ended up in Finland, where Lenin and Martov were already there. He again finds himself in London, in 1907 he participates in the next 5th congress. By the way, Stalin came to see him. But Trotsky then did not notice his future main competitor. Again, he does not side with either the Bolsheviks or the Mensheviks. In vain are the tricks of Kamenev, who tried to win over the "independent" Social Democrat to the side of Lenin and the Bolsheviks. The talented stubborn man, whose journalistic abilities were known to Lenin, did not agree. Moreover, irritated by Kamenev's attempts to win him over to Lenin's side, Trotsky uses his caustic pen against Vladimir Ilyich, calling him "a professional exploiter of every backwardness in the Russian workers' movement" and even declaring him a "candidate for dictatorship" in one of his political pamphlets.

The following can be briefly said about Trotsky's further life abroad until October: When the First World War began, Trotsky, like Lenin, was a participant in the Zimmerwald Conference, whose delegates came up with an anti-war program. In 1916, Trotsky, as a "dangerous agitator", was expelled from France to Spain. Arrested in Madrid. They are again expelled from the country, and together with his family “despite such a turbulent political life, Trotsky manages to marry a second time during these years, again to the revolutionary Natalya Sedova, who bore him two sons” goes to New York. It was January 1917.

And in February, a bourgeois-democratic revolution took place in Russia, the Provisional Government headed by Kerensky came to power. Tsarism ceased to exist. Trotsky hurries home. However, in Halifax (Canada) he is arrested again, and only the intervention of the Provisional Government, which, in turn, is under pressure from the Petrograd Soviet, helps him to free himself and arrive in Petrograd in early May. He arrived a month later than Lenin. The train was met by many people with red banners. The newspapers wrote that a huge crowd carried Trotsky out of the car in their arms and put him in a car. As in 1905, he again headed the Petrograd Soviet.

Trotsky, together with Lenin, actively prepared an armed uprising. Trotsky was in fact the right hand of Lenin in preparing the uprising, because in addition to authority and great energy, he had real power, heading the Petrograd Soviet. This is confirmed by an article by Stalin in the Pravda newspaper in 1918: “The inspirer of the coup, from beginning to end, was the Central Committee of the party, headed by Lenin ... All work on the practical organization of the uprising took place under the direct supervision of the chairman of the Petrograd Soviet, comrade. Trotsky. It can be said with certainty that the party owes the rapid transition of the proletariat to the side of the Soviets and the skillful constant work of the Military Committee, first of all and mainly to Trotsky. The article was signed by I. Stalin and the article was included in the collection of works by I. Stalin.

After the victory, it was necessary to form a government. Several members of the Central Committee, among them Lenin and Trotsky, discussed this problem. At Trotsky's suggestion, the government was named the Council of People's Commissars. Trotsky was appointed Commissar for Foreign Affairs. At Lenin's urging, he led the peace talks at Brest-Litovsk with the German delegation. Opinions on the negotiations and the conclusion of peace were greeted ambiguously among party workers. Three points of view emerged: Lenin was in favor of dragging out the negotiations, but in the event of an ultimatum, capitulate immediately; Trotsky - to negotiate until a break, even with the danger of a German offensive, in order to capitulate before the obvious use of force; Bukharin is the continuation of the war. According to the voting results of the party's activists, the votes were distributed: for the proposals of Bukharin - 32 votes, Lenin - 15 votes, Trotsky - 16 votes. On the proposal of the Council of People's Commissars, the local councils expressed themselves as follows: two councils (Petersburg and Sevastopol), with reservations, spoke in favor of peace, all the rest - for a break with Germany.

Ultimately, Trotsky made a statement in Brest: "The state of war is ending, peace is not signed, the army is being demobilized, we are going home to build socialist Russia." Official (Soviet) historians believe that Trotsky went against the Central Committee and disrupted the peace treaty (“Civil War and Military Intervention in the USSR”, encyclopedia, 1983). Trotsky himself believed that he acted on the decision of the Party. On February 14, a resolution was adopted on his report, beginning with the words: “Having heard and discussed the report of the peaceful delegation, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee fully approves the course of action of its representatives in Brest.” In March 1918, at the desk. At the congress, Zinoviev declared: Trotsky is right when he says that he acted on the decision of a competent majority of the Central Committee. Nobody disputed this…” (L. Trotsky, My Life, 1991).

Even in the days of October, Lenin felt that, in terms of the strength of his energy and revolutionary pressure, Trotsky was one of the outstanding people of his time. Therefore, at the critical moment of the revolution, in 1918, he nominated Trotsky for the post of chairman of the Revolutionary Military Council of the Republic, and from the autumn of 1918 also the People's Commissar for Military and Naval Affairs. Trotsky was not a military man from a professional point of view, moreover, he did not serve in the army or navy for a single day. But the time of the October whirlwind was special. Immediately after October, no one strictly professed the canons of tactics, operational art, and strategy. Revolutionary passion, pressure, will, the ability to rouse and lead people - that was what first of all decided the outcome of the case. Only much later, already towards the end of the civil war, with the help of military experts in the Red Army, the difficult methods of professional management of the organization and conduct of hostilities were mastered and applied to some extent. But this was when a cadre army of workers and peasants had already taken shape, when the partisanship in the localities was practically over.

In addition to this circumstance, Lenin singled out Trotsky for his rigidity and steadfastness in carrying out the adopted decisions of the party and good organizational qualities. Of course, the administrative-command style of leadership, which Trotsky was sometimes overly fond of, could not be suitable everywhere, but in some places it could greatly damage. But in the organization of a combat-ready army, it was then difficult to do without such a quality.

And finally, an important circumstance - Trotsky, possessing volcanic energy, determination, became more and more a fiery tribune of the revolution. He was known both by the parties and among the masses. The rally period did not end at that time, and whoever could brilliantly speak in front of people, ignite them. Is it Stalin or Voroshilov? Lenin, being a genius, was not mistaken in his choice. Trotsky was able to lead this difficult sector - the defense of the revolution - and coped with the party task.

In 1925, as a result of a sharp political struggle within the party, Trotsky was relieved of his duties as People's Commissar for Military Affairs. In the same year, he was appointed chairman of the concession committee, head of the electrical department and chairman of the scientific and technical department of industry.

On October 23, 1927, Trotsky was expelled from the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks; on November 14, 1927, he was expelled from the party.

In January 1928, he and his family were sent to Alma-Ata. Despite the remoteness (4000 km from Moscow, 250 km from the nearest station), Trotsky did not stop his political activities.

In mid-December 1928, a special representative of the GPU board from Moscow arrived at Trotsky with a written demand to stop leading the work of the opposition, otherwise the question of a change of residence would be raised. Trotsky replied in a letter to the Central Committee and the executive committee of the Comintern that the demand to renounce political activity meant the demand to renounce the struggle for the interests of the international proletariat, which he had been waging without interruption for 32 years, i.e. throughout his conscious life, therefore he does not want to obey the ultimatum of the GPU.

A month later, the Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, by a majority vote, decided to deport him from the USSR. Bukharin, Rykov, Tomsky voted against. While the government was working through the embassies on the question of which state would agree to accept the exile, the same representative of the GPU came to Trotsky and showed him an extract from the minutes of the Special Meeting at the GPU collegium dated January 18, 1928, it was said that he was being expelled from the USSR for counter-revolutionary activity, expressed in the organization of an illegal anti-Soviet party, whose activity of late has been directed towards provoking anti-Soviet uprisings and preparing for an armed struggle against Soviet power. Having received this document, the enraged Trotsky issued the following receipt to the authorized GPU: “The resolution of the OS under the collegium of the GPU of January 18, 1929, which was criminal in essence and illegal in form, was announced to me. January 20, 1929. L. Trotsky.

On January 22, Trotsky, his wife and son were put into a car and sent, accompanied by an escort, to the Frunze station, from there by rail and road in the direction of Moscow. Then the train from Kursk goes to Odessa. Trotsky was brought to Turkey on the Ilyich steamer, where he lived for 4 years. Here he met a message about the deprivation of his 1932 Soviet citizenship.

The "Flying Dutchman" of the world revolution moved from country to country. Turkey, Denmark, Norway, France. Then he moved to Mexico. And wherever he stopped, he did not stop working for a single day. He wrote a huge number of books, pamphlet articles. One of the main characters of his works is the victorious rival (Stalin). Trotsky traces the Kremlin winner in various aspects - from political and theoretical to family and domestic. Emphasizes that he is perceptive at short distances, but historically shortsighted. An outstanding tactician, but not a strategist. In the consciousness of his mediocrity, Stalin invariably carries in himself. Hence his need for flattery. Hence his envy of Hitler and secret admiration for him. The alliance between Stalin and Hitler, which astonished everyone, was predicted by Trotsky, just as he predicted Hitler's attack on Stalin. Already on September 22, 1930, Trotsky wrote that "at the cost of a humiliating and treacherous alliance, Stalin will not buy the main thing - peace ...". At each new stage, Hitler will make ever higher demands on Moscow. Today he gives the Moscow friend for temporary storage "Great Ukraine". Tomorrow he will raise the question of who should be the master of this Ukraine. Both Stalin and Hitler violated a number of treaties. How long will the deal between them last?

Trotsky also foresaw the overthrow of Stalin from his pedestal. The last article he wrote 10 days before his death ends like this: “Nero was also a product of his era. But after his death, his statues were broken, and his name was erased from everywhere. The revenge of history is worse than the revenge of the most powerful general secretary.”

Stalin, having ordered the destruction of all Trotsky's relatives, does not forget about him either. After several unsuccessful assassination attempts, on August 20, 1940, Trotsky was seriously wounded in his office and died on August 21. His killer is Jaime Ramon Mercader del Rio. He died in 1978 in Cuba. His ashes rest at the Kuntsevo cemetery in Moscow. On the tombstone is written: "Hero of the Soviet Union, Lopez Ramon Ivanovich."

After himself, Trotsky left a huge amount of documents collected in his personal archive. Only 28 boxes of documents were taken from Russia to Turkey: “copies of archival documents of the RVSR, the Politburo, etc., as well as personal diaries, correspondence with Lenin, documents of the civil war.” Since 1917, at his direction, all the documents to which he was related were copied and sent to his personal archive. Trotsky was the first statesman of the Soviet state who collected, recorded and carefully stored documents for history. Trotsky, only in the period from 1917 to 1921 published 21 volumes of his works. According to historians, if you collect everything written by Trotsky, you will get at least 50 volumes.

2. Stalin I.V: main events,

determined the fate of the leader

Stalin Iosif Vissarionovich (Dzhugashvili) was born on December 21, 1879 in the city of Gori, Tiflis province. His father came from peasants, a shoemaker by profession, later a worker in a shoe factory in the city of Tiflis. In the autumn of 1888 I.V. Stalin entered the Gori Theological School. After graduating in 1894, he entered the Seminary in Tiflis. In the revolutionary movement I.V. Stalin joined at the age of 15, contacting underground groups of Russian Marxists living in the Transcaucasus.

In 1898 he became a member of the Tiflis organization of the RSDLP. Already by this time, the range of Stalin's theoretical interests was quite wide. During this period, Stalin conducts intensive propaganda work in workers' circles, for which he was expelled from the seminary in 1899. Being an ardent supporter of Lenin's spark, Stalin, together with Ketskhoveli, in 1901 organized the first illegal Georgian Social Democratic newspaper Brdzola (Struggle). In this newspaper, Stalin published an article "The Russian Social-Democratic Party and Its Immediate Tasks, in which he calls on the workers to contribute great energy to the struggle for their liberation, for great energy is born for a great goal." In this work, Stalin emphasized the need to combine scientific socialism with the spontaneous labor movement, and put forward the task of organizing an independent political party of the proletariat.

In 1901, Stalin was elected to the Tiflis Committee of the RSDLP. On behalf of the committee, Stalin conducted illegal agitation in the city of Batum, wrote leaflets, participated in strikes at factories, and participated in the creation of an illegal printing house. In 1902, Stalin was arrested and imprisoned in the Batumi prison. In the autumn of 1903, Stalin was exiled to eastern Siberia for 3 years. In exile, in 1903, Stalin received a letter from Lenin. Stalin's acquaintance with Lenin began with this letter. After escaping from exile in 1904, Stalin carried on revolutionary work in the Transcaucasus. In December 1904, Stalin led the strike of the Baku workers. At this time, he wrote many articles and letters, advocated the Leninist ideological and organizational principles of the new type of parties. In the article “How does the Social Democracy understand the national question?” Stalin appears as a theoretician of the national question. During the years of the first Russian Revolution (1905-1907), Stalin led the struggle of the Transcaucasian Bolsheviks against the Mensheviks, Socialist-Revolutionaries and petty-bourgeois nationalist parties, for the Leninist strategy and tactics in the revolution. In 1905, as a delegate from the Transcaucasian Bolsheviks at the first All-Russian Bolshevik Conference in Tammerfors (Finland), he first met Lenin in person. During the years of the revolution and during the years of reaction that came after the defeat of the revolution of 1905-1907, Stalin wrote a number of articles devoted to the defense and development of the worldview of the Marxist party, the need for an armed uprising, and the tactics of fighting in an armed uprising. During this period, Stalin carried out his main activities in Baku, and in March 1908 he was arrested and exiled to the Vologda province. In June 1909, Stalin escaped from exile and returned to Baku to work illegally. In 1910 he was again arrested and again exiled to the Vologda province. In September 1911, he illegally left for St. Petersburg, where he was arrested and in December exiled to Vologda. At the Prague Party Conference in 1912, Stalin was elected a member of the Central Committee in absentia. In February 1912, Stalin escaped from exile. On behalf of the Central Committee, Stalin traveled around the most important regions of Russia, wrote the proclamation "Long Live May 1st", directed the Zvezda newspaper, and participated in the preparation of the first issue of the Pravda newspaper. His activities were interrupted by his arrest in April 1912. After being imprisoned, he was exiled to the Narym Territory for 3 years. In September 1912, he fled from exile to St. Petersburg, where he edited the newspaper Pravda and spoke at workers' meetings. In 1912-1913, Stalin wrote the work "Marxism and the National Question", which Lenin highly appreciated. In February 1913, Stalin was again arrested and exiled for four years to the Turukhansk region. In December 1916, Stalin was sent in stages to Krasnoyarsk, and then to Achinsk, here he was caught by the news of the February Revolution. In March 1917 he left Achinsk for Petrograd. With the arrival of Lanin from exile, Stalin participated with him in the struggle at a new historical stage. At the April Conference, he supported Lenin's struggle against the position of Kamenev, Rykov, and others, and delivered a report on the national question. In May 1917 he was elected a member of the established Politburo. At the Sixth Congress, Stalin spoke out against Lenin's appearance before the trial of the counter-revolution (suggested by Kamenev, Rykov and Trotsky). At the congress, Stalin rebuffed the Trotskyists, who put forward the thesis that the victory of socialism in Russia was impossible. On October 16, at a meeting of the Central Committee of the party, Stalin supported the resolution on an armed uprising. At this meeting, a party center (?) was elected to lead the uprising, headed by Stalin. This party center was the leading nucleus of the military revolutionary committee under the Petrograd Soviet.

After the victory of the revolution, Stalin became a member of the first Council of People's Commissars, taking the post of People's Commissar for Nationalities, and from 1919, the post of People's Commissar of State Control.

In the days of the conclusion of the Brest Peace, Stalin, together with Lenin, spoke out against Trotsky and Bukharin, for peace in order to strengthen the Soviet Republic. During the Civil War, the Central Committee of the Party and Lenin personally sent Stalin to the most dangerous sectors and fronts. He was a member of the Revolutionary Military Council of the Republic and a member of the Revolutionary Military Councils of the Western, Southern, South-Western Fronts. For selfless struggle on the fronts of the Civil War, he was awarded the Order of the Red Banner in 1919. In 1922, Stalin was elected General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party. Under the leadership of Lenin, Stalin worked to create national Soviet republics, to unite them into one union state - the USSR, which was formed on December 30, 1922.

After Lenin's death (January 21, 1924), Stalin and his allies in the Central Committee waged a long and victorious struggle against Trotsky and his allies. As General Secretary of the Central Committee, Stalin developed Lenin's ideas of the socialist industrialization of the country and the collectivization of agriculture. Of great importance for the implementation of the correct line in the collectivization of agriculture were Stalin's works "Dizziness from Success" and "An Answer to Comrade Collective Farmers". Under Stalin's leadership, the party successfully completed the task of laying the foundation for a socialist economy. The victory of socialism in the USSR found its expression in the new constitution (Stalin's constitution) adopted in 1936 at the extraordinary Eighth All-Union Congress of Soviets. Stalin delivered a report on the draft of a new constitution. The report outlined the main changes that have taken place in the country since the adoption of the constitution of 1924, and the features of the new constitution. The Eighteenth Party Congress outlined a program for the struggle to bring about a gradual transition to the highest phase of communism, putting forward the task of overtaking and overtaking the most developed capitalist countries in economic terms as well, i.e. in production per capita. In 1939, on the occasion of his 60th birthday, Stalin was awarded the title of Hero of Socialist Labor. May 6, 1941 Stalin was appointed chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR. The sudden and treacherous attack of Nazi Germany on the USSR on June 22, 1941 interrupted the peaceful creative work of the Soviet people. Stalin stood at the head of the Armed Forces, led the struggle of the Soviet people against fascism. On June 30, 1941, the USSR State Defense Committee was established. Stalin was appointed its chairman. On July 3, 1941, Stalin addressed the people with a historic speech, in which he indicated that mortal danger hung over the Soviet Union, that “it is a matter of ... life and death of the Soviet state, life and death of the peoples of the USSR, and also - to be the peoples of the Soviet Union free or fall into enslavement" (Stalin, on the Great Patriotic War of the Soviet Union).

After defeating Hitler's Germany, the Soviet army launched an offensive against Imperialist Japan and forced it to quickly capitulate. For merits in defeating the enemy, the Soviet government awarded Stalin the Order of Suvorov of the first degree, two Orders of Victory, awarded him the title of Hero of the Soviet Union. On June 27, 1945, he was awarded the highest military rank - Generalissimo of the Soviet Union. In connection with the 70th birthday, Stalin was awarded the Order of Lenin for exceptional services in strengthening and developing the Soviet Union, in building communism in our country, organizing the defeat of the Nazi invaders and Japanese imperialists, as well as in restoring and further lifting national economy of the USSR in the postwar period. An important milestone in the life of the Party and the entire country was the Nineteenth Congress of the Communist Party, which outlined new prospects for the development of the country in all areas of communist construction. On the eve of the Party Congress, Stalin's new work, Economic Problems in the USSR, was published. Stalin spoke at the congress. In his speech, he further developed the Marxist-Leninist doctrine of the hegemony of the proletariat under the new conditions of class war, and thus gave the proletariat of the capitalist countries an ideological weapon in their struggle for peace, democracy and socialism. This was the last congress in Stalin's life. On March 5, 1953, after a serious illness, Stalin died.

3.Stalin - Trotsky: confrontation between prominent

political figures of the Soviet period

Stalin and Trotsky ... Two outstanding figures of the revolution and the party. Longtime and irreconcilable rivals and enemies. All 30-40 years passed under the sign of their confrontation. When Trotsky died in the hospital from a skull fracture on August 22, on August 24, 1940, Pravda published an obituary with the following content: “London, August 22 (TASS). London radio today reported that in Mexico, in the Hospital, Trotsky died from a fracture of the skull received during an attempt on his life by one of his closest associates.

Further, the Tassovskaya information was accompanied by an editorial comment written suspiciously quickly after the news of Trotsky's death: A man descended into the grave, whose name is uttered with contempt and curse by working people all over the world, a man who for many years fought against the cause of the working class and its vanguard - the Bolshevik parties. The ruling classes of the capitalist countries have lost their faithful servant. Foreign intelligence services lost a long-term, hardened agent, an organizer of murderers who did not disdain any means to achieve his counter-revolutionary goals.

Trotsky went a long way of betrayal and betrayal. political double-dealing and hypocrisy. No wonder Lenin, back in 1911, dubbed Trotsky the nickname "Judas". And this well-deserved nickname forever remained with him.

This was followed by a list of real and imaginary sins of Lev Davidovich, starting from 1903, when at the Second Congress of the RSDLP he supported the views of Martov and other Menshevik leaders. Having joined the Bolshevik Party in June 1917, already in the spring of 1918, together with a group of so-called "Left" Communists and Left Social Revolutionaries, he organized a villainous conspiracy against Lenin, seeking to arrest and physically destroy the leaders of the proletariat: Lenin, Stalin and Sverdlov. As always, Trotsky himself - a provocateur, an organizer of murderers, an intriguer and an adventurer - remains in the shadows. His leading role in the preparation of this atrocity, which, fortunately, failed, was fully revealed only two decades later at the trial of the anti-Soviet "right-wing Trotskyist bloc" in March 1938.

During the years of the civil war, when the country of the Soviets repelled the onslaught of numerous hordes of White Guards and interventionists, Trotsky, with his treacherous actions and wrecking orders, in every way weakened the strength of the resistance of the Red Army.

At the same trial of the anti-Soviet "Right-Trotskyist bloc" the whole treacherous, treacherous path of Trotsky was revealed to the whole world: the defendants in this trial, the closest associates

Trotsky, admitted that they, and together with them their boss Trotsky, had been agents of foreign intelligence services since 1921, were international spies. They, headed by Trotsky, zealously served the intelligence services and the general staffs of England, France, Germany, and Japan.

When in 1929 the Soviet government expelled the counter-revolutionary, traitor Trotsky from our homeland, the capitalist circles of Europe and America embraced him. It was no accident. It was natural. For Trotsky had long since passed over to the service of the exploiters of the working class.

Trotsky has become entangled in his own nets, having reached the limit of human fall. He was killed by his own supporters. It was the very terrorists whom he taught about murder from around the corner, betrayal and atrocities against the working class, against the country of the Soviets, who did away with him. Trotsky, who organized the villainous murder of Kirov, M. Gorky, became a victim of his own intrigues, betrayals, betrayals, atrocities.

So ingloriously ended this despicable man, descending into the grave with the seal of an international spy and murderer on his forehead.

With such an "obituary" the central organ of the party responded to the news of the death of Ilyich's closest associate, a former member of the Politburo, former chairman of the Revolutionary Military Council and People's Commissar for Military and Naval Affairs.

Let us turn to Trotsky's testament, written on February 27, 1940, in Coyoacan, a small town in Mexico that became the last refuge of the exile. Compiled a few months before his death, it turned out to be prophetic: the author foresaw that his death would cause just such a reaction in the victorious Kremlin rival.

“There is no need for me here once again to refute the stupid and vile slander of Stalin and his agents. There is not a single spot on my revolutionary honor, - Trotsky confesses in his will. “Neither directly nor indirectly have I entered into any behind-the-scenes agreements or even negotiations with the enemies of the working class. Thousands of Stalin's opponents died victims of similar false accusations. New revolutionary generations will restore their political honor and give the executioners of the Kremlin what they deserve…”

And further. “For forty-three years of my conscious life I remained a revolutionary, of which forty-two years I fought under the banner of Marxism. If I had to start over, I would, of course, try to avoid certain mistakes, but the general direction of my life would remain unchanged. I will die a proletarian revolutionary, a Marxist, a dialectical materialist and therefore an inapplicable atheist. My faith in the communist future of mankind is no less ardent now, but stronger than in the days of my youth.”

From a postscript dated March 3, 1940: “Whatever the circumstances of my death, however, I will die with an unshakable faith in the communist future. This faith in man and his future gives me even now such a force of resistance that no religion can give.

Probably, there is no need to compare the specific moments of the confrontation - this is obvious from examining their biographies.

It seems to me that it is more relevant to understand why Stalin won. A small, inconspicuous politician, a rather weak orator, confidently defeated the fiery tribune of the Revolution, the creator of the Red Army, Lenin's right hand.

Stalin, like no other of the leaders, understood the colossal power of the apparatus - party officials and executive power in the localities and in the capital. Stalin proclaimed the slogan - "Cadres decide everything." Starting from 1922, when he became General Secretary, he gradually replaced people in all key positions with his proteges. This played a decisive, in my opinion, role in the fight against Trotsky. Trotsky believed that his authority, intelligence, oratorical talent, great merits, guarantee him victory.

By the way, history does not always teach our leaders. Khrushchev, Gorbochev did not appreciate the danger of the apparatus. But Yeltsin made full use of the power of the apparatus.

The conducted research convinced me even more that Stalin and Trotsky did not appear on the historical arena by chance. One can think for a long time about what would have happened to Russia if Lenin, Stalin, Trotsky and others had not been born. And what would have happened to the country if Trotsky had won? Although history does not have a subjunctive mood, one can still speculate what would happen to history. It seems to me that there would be no other, radically different way. Most likely, our country was moving in the same direction…

When Lenin's health worsened in early 1923, a serious struggle for power began in the leadership of the CPSU (b). The situation was aggravated by the "Letter to the Congress", in which Lenin sharply criticized his closest associates - Stalin and Trotsky, calling the first "rude and disloyal", the second - "boastful and self-confident." It was Trotsky who was at a disadvantage in the upcoming battle: the troika of Stalin, Grigory Zinoviev and Lev Kamenev, armed with the term "Trotskyism", was preparing to give a serious battle to their main political opponent.
To begin with, the composition of the Central Committee was expanded at the expense of the supporters of the troika, which allowed the main Bolshevik body to make decisions bypassing Trotsky. In the future, Stalin, who headed the Orgburo and the secretariat of the Central Committee, began to appoint his proteges to key party posts, which ultimately neutralized the competitor. The XIII Congress of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks in May 1924 in Moscow could save Lev Davidovich, however, having lost the debates preceding the congress, he remained in an absolute minority and soon completely lost control over the Central Committee
Stalin's struggle against Trotsky was not at all caused by personal hostility and not a thirst for power, as is sometimes believed, it was a struggle between two opposing views on the future of the country, a struggle for choosing the path of its development.
Trotsky L.D. was a proponent of action. He advocated to kindle the fire of revolution around the world. He said that building socialism in one country is impossible. First it is necessary to achieve a world revolution and only then take up the construction of socialism.
Stalin I.V. talked about the opposite. He argued that the victory of socialism even in one country is a unique phenomenon and everything possible must be done to build socialism in the USSR. At the same time, he completely rejected the idea of a world revolution.

Trotsky said that the USSR should not be developed. According to his ideology, the country did not need schools, museums, hospitals or universities. In general, nothing was needed, except for the army and everything that the army provides. The Soviet army had to fight with the whole world in order to kindle the illusory hotbed of world revolution. Stalin, on the other hand, spoke about the need to create benefits within the country. The USSR had all the necessary resources to build socialism. The struggle for power in the party between Trotsky and Stalin essentially meant a struggle between the well-being and the collapse of the country. Stalin's victory in this struggle made it possible to improve the quality of life in the USSR.
Despite the fact that many associate the repressive methods of Soviet politics solely with the name of Stalin, the Bolshevik terror is an invention of Trotsky. If the latter had inherited power in the USSR, then the scope of repression would have been no less, and perhaps even greater, than under Stalin. In 1920, Trotsky wrote a book with the ominous title Terrorism and Communism, which was a response to the theses of the German Marxist Karl Kautsky. In it, Lev Davidovich not only justifies the red terror of the period of the Civil War, but also calls not to abandon it after it ends. Even in the political struggle, Trotsky advises to operate not with arguments, but with force: "The conquest of power by the proletariat does not complete the revolution, but only opens it."
Trotsky explained the coercive policy of the state by the interests of the working masses, without which the authorities cannot do anything. However, no one would give guarantees that with the concentration of all power in the hands of Trotsky, he would not introduce an absolute dictatorship. Trotsky's political methods were most clearly demonstrated during the suppression of the Kronstadt rebellion, when more than 1,000 sailors were killed, which testified to the true attitude towards democracy of the chairman of the Revolutionary Military Council.

Until the end of his life, Trotsky believed that a communist state "the United States of Europe and Asia" would be built in the eastern hemisphere of the earth, in which citizens liberated from bourgeois fetters would live and universal equality and prosperity would reign. If the state led by Trotsky led a consistent campaign to communize the planet, then it is quite possible that the countries of the West would take up arms against the USSR, uniting in an anti-Soviet coalition. Without reliable allies, our country would most likely have to enter into a protracted military conflict with the leading powers of the world - the USA, Great Britain, Germany, France, Japan, and no one knows how this confrontation would have ended.
The concept of over-industrialization of the country put forward by Trotsky was initially rejected by Stalin. The leader of the USSR was more attracted to the reform model proposed by Nikolai Bukharin, which envisaged the development of private entrepreneurship by attracting foreign loans. However, already in 1929, the Bukharinian approach was replaced by the Trotskyist one, although without the extremes inherent in the methods of war communism, on which Lev Davidovich was going to rely. According to Trotsky's program of accelerated industrialization, the rapid growth of the national economy was to be achieved through the use of exclusively domestic resources, the development of heavy industry by means of agriculture and light industry. With such a one-sided approach, the costs of rapid industrial growth had to be "paid" by the peasantry.
Trotsky was considered the second person after Lenin. Behind him stood the command of the Red Army.
In civilian life, he was People's Commissar of Defense. Many officers from his hands received positions and titles ...
But that is not all:
Trotsky and his immediately after the civil war
they picked up all the power for themselves at the level of district committees, city committees and regional committees. Stalin pushed Trotsky away from the helm of power at the top, but at the middle and lower levels
right up to the war itself, Trotsky's supporters held real power.
That was the tragedy of our people.
Iosif Vissarionovich created in parallel with the repressive structure of the NKVD
their own top-secret intelligence.
This pocket intelligence was so secretive that neither the secret police knew anything about it,
neither in the Kremlin, nor ... behind the cordon ...
Stalin aimed this structure at collecting material, first of all, against the "fiery".
Compromising evidence was needed against the “Leninist” guard, moreover, as soon as possible.
And after some time, Joseph Vissarionovich found the following document on his desk:

Kamenev - 40 million Swiss francs in Credit Suisse, 100 million francs in Paribo,
700 million marks in Deutsche Bank,
Bukharin - 80 million pounds in Wastmister Bank, 60 million francs in Credit Suisse.,
Radzutak - 200 million marks in Deutsche Bank, 30 million pounds in Wastmister Bank,
Felix Dzerzhinsky - 70 million Swiss francs in Credit Suisse, etc.
In fact, by the political processes of 1937-1938, Joseph Vissarionovich saved our people from death.
Unfortunately, few of us understand this fact.

The most tragic page of the Stalin era and the entire Soviet history was the Great Patriotic War. Could Trotsky have prevented this catastrophic event if he had assumed the post of head of state? It is known that Trotsky treated Hitler with hostility, but the Fuhrer, on the contrary, showed all respect to the prominent revolutionary. Hitler's biographer Konrad Heyden recalled how the German leader praised Trotsky's memoirs, calling them "a brilliant book" and noting that he "learned a lot from their author." The documents of the Reich even contain evidence that the German government was making plans to create a collaborationist government of the USSR headed by Trotsky. However, it was not Stalin's personality that prompted Germany to aggression against the USSR, but Hitler's indefatigable ambitions. If Trotsky had been in Stalin's place, Hitler, a convinced anti-Semite, would have found additional arguments for attacking the Soviet Union.

Reviews

1. Trotsky was a superficial Petushok, and "in. in law" quickly realized how weak and helpless he was, like a child. Koba easily fooled the "romantics" - not only Bronstein, but also his "allies" - Rosenfeld (Kamenev) and Apfelbaum (Zinoviev). It's even a shame for the "sophisticated" Jewish mind. Lenin, in complicated cases, sometimes said to honest and insulting Stalin: "Here you can't do without Jews" ... 2. Trotsky had no illusions about the "strength" and capabilities of the Red Army after WWI and the Polish failure. "Naive" relied on the Germans in 23-26. Under the guise of a Ukrainian teacher, he went to Germany in 1926 (!) to "study" .. The Politburo persuaded him NOT to go ("to spite my mother, I'll get frostbite on my ears") Well, not a fool? Such people were later called in the Stalinist empire - "I'll come * ok camp" ...