The last general secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU. How many general secretaries of the Central Committee of the CPSU were there in the USSR

On April 3, 1922, a seemingly ordinary event took place. They elected the Secretary General of the Central Committee of the RCP (b). But this event changed the course of the history of Soviet Russia. On this day, he was appointed to this post. Lenin by that time was already seriously ill, and Joseph Stalin, by hook or by crook, tried to gain a foothold in his post. There was no consensus in the party about what to do next. The revolution won, power was strengthened. And then what? Someone said that it was necessary to stimulate the world revolution in every possible way, others said that socialism could win in one single country and therefore it was not at all necessary to fan the world fire. The new General Secretary took advantage of the disagreement in the party and, having received practically unlimited power in his hands, began to gradually clear his way to dominance over a huge power. He ruthlessly eliminated political opponents, and soon there was no one who could object to him.

The reign of Joseph Stalin is a huge layer of our history. He was at the helm for 30 long years. And what years? What has not been in our history over the years? And the restoration of the economy after the anarchy of the civil war. And construction giants. And the threat of enslavement in the Second World War, and new buildings of the post-war years. And it all fit into these thirty years of Stalin's rule. A whole generation of people grew up under him. These years are all researching and researching. One can relate differently to the personality of Stalin, to his cruelty, to the tragedy of the country. But this is our story. And our great-grandparents in old photographs, for the most part, still do not seem unhappy.

WAS THERE AN ALTERNATIVE?

Stalin's election as general secretary took place after the 11th Congress (March-April 1922), in which Lenin, for health reasons, took only fragmentary part (he attended four of the twelve sessions of the congress). “When at the 11th Congress ... Zinoviev and his closest friends promoted Stalin’s candidacy for general secretary, with the ulterior motive of using his hostile attitude towards me,” Trotsky recalled, “Lenin, in a close circle objecting to the appointment of Stalin as general secretary, uttered his famous phrase: “I don’t advise, this cook will cook only spicy dishes” ... However, the Petrograd delegation led by Zinoviev won at the congress. The victory was all the easier for her because Lenin did not accept the battle. He did not carry the resistance to Stalin's candidacy to the end only because the post of secretary had, under the conditions of that time, a completely subordinate significance. He (Lenin) himself did not want to attach exaggerated significance to his warning: as long as the old Politburo remained in power, the general secretary could only be a subordinate figure.

Having come to the post of general secretary, Stalin immediately began to widely use the methods of selection and appointment of personnel through the Secretariat of the Central Committee and the Accounting and Distribution Department of the Central Committee subordinate to him. Already in the first year of Stalin's activity as General Secretary, the Uchraspred made about 4,750 appointments to responsible posts.

At the same time, Stalin, together with Zinoviev and Kamenev, began to rapidly expand the material privileges of the leadership of the party. At the XII Party Conference, which took place during Lenin's illness (August 1922), for the first time in the history of the party, a document was adopted that legitimized these privileges. We are talking about the resolution of the conference "On the material situation of active party workers", which clearly defined the number of "active party workers" (15,325 people) and introduced a strict hierarchization of their distribution into six categories. Members of the Central Committee and the Central Control Commission, heads of departments of the Central Committee, members of the regional bureaus of the Central Committee and secretaries of regional and provincial committees were to be paid according to the highest level. At the same time, the possibility of a personal increase in their salaries was stipulated. In addition to high wages, all these workers were to be “provided with housing (through local executive committees), medical care (through the People’s Commissariat of Health), and the upbringing and education of children (through the People’s Commissariat of Education)”, and the corresponding additional benefits in kind should were paid from the party fund.

Trotsky emphasized that already during Lenin's illness, Stalin increasingly acted "as an organizer and educator of the bureaucracy, most importantly: as a distributor of earthly goods." This period coincided with the end of the bivouac situation during the civil war. “The more sedentary and balanced life of the bureaucracy creates a need for comfort. Stalin, who himself continues to live relatively modestly, at least from the outside, masters this movement towards comfort, he distributes the most profitable posts, he selects the top people, rewards them, he helps them increase their privileged position.

These actions of Stalin responded to the desire of the bureaucracy to throw off the harsh control in the field of morality and personal life, the need for which was mentioned by numerous party decisions of the Leninist period. The bureaucracy, which increasingly assimilated the prospect of personal well-being and comfort, “respected Lenin, but felt too much his puritanical hand on itself. She was looking for a leader in her own image and likeness, the first among equals. They talked about Stalin... “We are not afraid of Stalin. If he starts to become arrogant, we will remove him. A turning point in the living conditions of the bureaucracy came with the time of Lenin's last illness and the beginning of the campaign against "Trotskyism". In any political struggle of a large scale, one can finally open the question of a steak.

Stalin's most defiant actions to create illegal and secret privileges for the bureaucracy at that time were still met with resistance from his allies. So, after the adoption in July 1923 of the decision of the Politburo on facilitating the conditions for children of responsible workers to enter universities, Zinoviev and Bukharin, who were on vacation in Kislovodsk, condemned this decision, stating that “such a privilege will block the way for more talented people and introduce elements of caste. Doesn't fit."

Amenability to privileges, readiness to take them for granted meant the first round in the everyday and moral degeneration of the partocracy, which was inevitably followed by a political rebirth: the willingness to sacrifice ideas and principles for the sake of preserving one's posts and privileges. “The ties of revolutionary solidarity that embraced the party as a whole were replaced to a large extent by ties of bureaucratic and material dependence. Previously, it was possible to win supporters only with ideas. Now many have begun to learn how to win supporters with positions and material privileges.

These processes contributed to the rapid growth of bureaucracy and intrigues in the party and state apparatus, which Lenin, who returned to work in October 1922, was literally shocked. In addition, as Trotsky recalled, “Lenin sensed that, in connection with his illness, behind him and behind my back, still almost imperceptible threads of a conspiracy were weaving. The epigones have not yet burned bridges or blown them up. But in some places they were already sawing the beams, in some places they were imperceptibly laying pyroxylin checkers ... Coming into work and with increasing anxiety noting the changes that had taken place over the ten months, Lenin for the time being did not name them out loud, so as not to aggravate relations. But he was preparing to give the Troika a rebuff and began to rebuff it on individual issues.

One of these questions was the question of the monopoly of foreign trade. In November 1922, in the absence of Lenin and Trotsky, the Central Committee unanimously adopted a decision aimed at weakening this monopoly. Learning that Trotsky was not present at the plenum and that he did not agree with the decision, Lenin entered into correspondence with him (five letters from Lenin to Trotsky on this issue were first published in the USSR only in 1965). As a result of the concerted actions of Lenin and Trotsky, a few weeks later the Central Committee reversed its decision with the same unanimity as it had previously adopted. On this occasion, Lenin, who had already suffered a new blow, after which he was forbidden to correspond, nevertheless dictated a letter to Trotsky from Krupskaya, which said: “It was as if we had managed to take a position without firing a single shot with a simple maneuvering movement. I suggest not to stop and continue the offensive ... "

At the end of November 1922, a conversation took place between Lenin and Trotsky, in which the latter raised the question of the growth of apparatus bureaucracy. “Yes, our bureaucracy is monstrous,” Lenin picked up, “I was horrified after returning to work ...” Trotsky added that he had in mind not only state, but also party bureaucracy, and that the essence of all the difficulties, in his opinion, was in the combination of state and party bureaucracy and in the mutual harboring of influential groups that gather around a hierarchy of party secretaries.

After listening to this, Lenin put the question point-blank: “So you are proposing to open a struggle not only against state bureaucracy, but also against the Orgburo of the Central Committee?” The Orgburo represented the very center of the Stalinist apparatus. Trotsky replied: "Perhaps it turns out like this." “Well, then,” continued Lenin, obviously pleased that we named the essence of the issue by name, “I propose to you a bloc: against bureaucracy in general, against the Orgburo in particular.” “It is flattering to conclude a good bloc with a good person,” Trotsky replied. In conclusion, it was agreed to meet after some time to discuss the organizational side of this issue. Previously, Lenin proposed the creation of a commission under the Central Committee to combat bureaucracy. “In essence, this commission,” Trotsky recalled, “was supposed to become a lever for the destruction of the Stalinist faction, as the backbone of the bureaucracy ...”

Immediately after this conversation, Trotsky conveyed its content to his like-minded people - Rakovsky, I. N. Smirnov, Sosnovsky, Preobrazhensky and others. In early 1924, Trotsky told about this conversation to Averbakh (a young oppositionist who soon went over to the side of the ruling faction), who in turn conveyed the contents of this conversation to Yaroslavsky, and the latter, apparently, reported it to Stalin and other triumvirs.

IN AND. LENIN. LETTER TO THE CONGRESS

December 24, 22 By the stability of the Central Committee, which I spoke about above, I mean measures against a split, insofar as such measures can be taken at all. For, of course, the White Guard in Russkaya Mysl (I think it was S.S. Oldenburg) was right when, firstly, he bet on the split of our party in relation to their game against Soviet Russia, and when, secondly, , staked for this split on the most serious differences in the party.

Our Party rests on two classes, and therefore its instability is possible and its fall is inevitable if an agreement could not be reached between these two classes. In this case, it is useless to take certain measures, in general, to talk about the stability of our Central Committee. No measures in this case will be able to prevent a split. But I hope that this is too distant a future and too incredible an event to talk about.

I have in mind stability as a guarantee against a split in the near future, and I intend to analyze here a number of considerations of a purely personal nature.

I think that the main ones in the issue of sustainability from this point of view are such members of the Central Committee as Stalin and Trotsky. The relations between them, in my opinion, constitute more than half of the danger of that split, which could be avoided and which, in my opinion, should be avoided, among other things, by increasing the number of members of the Central Committee to 50, to 100 people.

Tov. Stalin, having become General Secretary, has concentrated immense power in his hands, and I am not sure whether he will always be able to use this power with sufficient caution. On the other hand, com. Trotsky, as his struggle against the Central Committee on the question of the NKPS has already proved, is distinguished not only by his outstanding abilities. Personally, he is perhaps the most capable person in the present Central Committee, but also overly self-confident and overly enthusiastic about the purely administrative side of things. These two qualities of the two outstanding leaders of the modern Central Committee are capable of inadvertently leading to a split, and if our Party does not take steps to prevent this, then the split may come unexpectedly. I will not further characterize the other members of the Central Committee by their personal qualities. Let me only remind you that the October episode of Zinoviev and Kamenev, of course, was not an accident, but that it can just as little be blamed on them personally as non-Bolshevism can be blamed on Trotsky. Among the young members of the Central Committee, I would like to say a few words about Bukharin and Pyatakov. These, in my opinion, are the most outstanding forces (of the youngest forces), and with regard to them one should bear in mind the following: Bukharin is not only the most valuable and prominent theoretician of the Party, he is also legitimately considered the favorite of the entire Party, but his theoretical views are very much doubt can be attributed to the completely Marxist, because there is something scholastic in him (he never studied and, I think, never fully understood dialectics).

25.XII. Then Pyatakov is a man of undoubtedly outstanding will and outstanding abilities, but he is too fond of administration and the administrative side of things to be relied upon in a serious political question. Of course, both remarks are made by me only for the present time on the assumption that both of them outstanding and devoted workers will not find an opportunity to replenish their knowledge and change their one-sidedness.

Lenin 25.XII. 22. Recorded by M.V.

Addendum to the letter of December 24, 1922 Stalin is too rude, and this shortcoming, quite tolerable in the environment and in communications between us communists, becomes intolerable in the position of general secretary. Therefore, I suggest that the comrades consider a way to move Stalin from this place and appoint another person to this place, who in all other respects differs from Comrade. Stalin with only one advantage, namely, more tolerant, more loyal, more polite and more attentive to comrades, less capriciousness, etc. This circumstance may seem like an insignificant trifle. But I think that from the point of view of preventing a split and from the point of view of what I wrote above about the relationship between Stalin and Trotsky, this is not a trifle, or it is such a trifle that can become decisive.

Introduction

Party history
October Revolution
war communism
New economic policy
Stalinism
Khrushchev thaw
The era of stagnation
perestroika

The General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU (in informal use and everyday speech is often abbreviated to General Secretary) is the most significant and the only non-collegiate position in the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. The position was introduced as part of the Secretariat on April 3, 1922, at the Plenum of the Central Committee of the RCP(b), elected by the XI Congress of the RCP(b), when I. V. Stalin was approved in this capacity.

From 1934 to 1953, this position was not mentioned at the plenums of the Central Committee during the elections of the Secretariat of the Central Committee. From 1953 to 1966, the First Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee was elected, and in 1966 the post of General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee was again established.

Post of General Secretary and Stalin's victory in the struggle for power (1922-1934)

The proposal to establish this post and appoint Stalin to it was made, on the idea of Zinoviev, by a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee, Lev Kamenev, in agreement with Lenin, Lenin was not afraid of any competition from the uncultured and politically insignificant Stalin. But for the same reason, Zinoviev and Kamenev made him general secretary: they considered Stalin a politically insignificant person, they saw him as a convenient assistant, but by no means a rival.

Initially, this position meant only the leadership of the party apparatus, while Lenin, the Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars, formally remained the leader of the party and government. In addition, leadership in the party was considered inextricably linked with the merits of the theorist; therefore, following Lenin, Trotsky, Kamenev, Zinoviev and Bukharin were considered the most prominent "leaders", while Stalin was not seen to have either theoretical merits or special merits in the revolution.

Lenin highly valued Stalin's organizational skills, but Stalin's despotic demeanor and his rudeness towards N. Krupskaya made Lenin repent of his appointment, and in the "Letter to the Congress" Lenin declared that Stalin was too rude and should be removed from the post of general secretary. But due to illness, Lenin retired from political activity.

Stalin, Zinoviev and Kamenev organized a triumvirate based on opposition to Trotsky.

Before the beginning of the XIII Congress (held in May 1924), Lenin's widow Nadezhda Krupskaya handed over the Letter to the Congress. It was announced at a meeting of the Council of Elders. Stalin announced his resignation at this meeting for the first time. Kamenev proposed to resolve the issue by voting. The majority voted in favor of keeping Stalin in the post of general secretary, only Trotsky's supporters voted against.

After the death of Lenin, Leon Trotsky claimed the role of the first person in the party and the state. But he lost to Stalin, who masterfully played the combination, winning Kamenev and Zinoviev over to his side. And Stalin's real career begins only from the moment when Zinoviev and Kamenev, desiring to seize Lenin's inheritance and organize the struggle against Trotsky, chose Stalin as an ally who must be had in the party apparatus.

On December 27, 1926, Stalin submitted his resignation from the post of General Secretary: “I ask you to release me from the post of General Secretary of the Central Committee. I declare that I can no longer work in this post, unable to work in this post anymore. The resignation was not accepted.

Interestingly, Stalin in official documents never signed the full name of the position. He signed as "Secretary of the Central Committee" and was addressed as Secretary of the Central Committee. When the Encyclopedic reference book "The Figures of the USSR and the Revolutionary Movements of Russia" (prepared in 1925-1926) came out, there, in the article "Stalin", Stalin was presented as follows: "since 1922, Stalin is one of the secretaries of the Central Committee of the party, in what position he remains even now. ”, that is, not a word about the post of general secretary. Since the author of the article was Stalin's personal secretary Ivan Tovstukha, it means that such was Stalin's desire.

By the end of the 1920s, Stalin had concentrated such significant personal power in his hands that the position became associated with the highest position in the party leadership, although the Charter of the CPSU (b) did not provide for its existence.

When Molotov was appointed Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR in 1930, he asked to be relieved of his duties as Secretary of the Central Committee. Stalin agreed. And the duties of the second secretary of the Central Committee began to be performed by Lazar Kaganovich. He replaced Stalin in the Central Committee. .

Stalin - the sovereign ruler of the USSR (1934-1951)

According to R. Medvedev, in January 1934, at the 17th Congress, an illegal bloc was formed mainly from the secretaries of the regional committees and the Central Committee of the National Communist Parties, who, more than anyone else, felt and understood the fallacy of Stalin's policy. Proposals were made to move Stalin to the post of chairman of the Council of People's Commissars or the Central Executive Committee, and to elect S.M. Kirov. A group of congress delegates discussed this with Kirov, but he resolutely refused, and without his consent the whole plan became unrealistic.

Molotov, Vyacheslav Mikhailovich 1977: “ Kirov is a weak organizer. He is a good crowd. And we treated him well. Stalin loved him. I say that he was Stalin's favorite. The fact that Khrushchev cast a shadow on Stalin, as if he had killed Kirov, is vile».

For all the importance of Leningrad and the Leningrad region, their leader Kirov was never the second person in the USSR. The position of the second most important person in the country was occupied by the chairman of the Council of People's Commissars, Molotov. At the plenum after the congress, Kirov, like Stalin, was elected secretary of the Central Committee. 10 months later, Kirov died in the Smolny building from a shot by a former party worker. . An attempt by opponents of the Stalinist regime to unite around Kirov during the 17th Party Congress led to the beginning of mass terror, which reached its climax in 1937-1938.

Since 1934, the mention of the position of the General Secretary has disappeared from the documents altogether. At the Plenums of the Central Committee held after the 17th, 18th, and 19th Party Congresses, Stalin was elected Secretary of the Central Committee, effectively performing the functions of General Secretary of the Party's Central Committee. After the XVII Congress of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, held in 1934, the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks elected the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, consisting of Zhdanov, Kaganovich, Kirov and Stalin. Stalin, as chairman of the meetings of the Politburo and the Secretariat, retained the general leadership, that is, the right to approve this or that agenda and determine the degree of readiness of the draft decisions submitted for consideration.

Stalin continued in official documents to sign as "Secretary of the Central Committee" and continued to be addressed as Secretary of the Central Committee.

Subsequent updates of the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks in 1939 and 1946 were also held with the election of formally equal secretaries of the Central Committee. The Charter of the CPSU, adopted at the 19th Congress of the CPSU, did not contain any mention of the existence of the post of "general secretary".

In May 1941, in connection with the appointment of Stalin as Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR, the Politburo adopted a resolution in which Andrei Zhdanov was officially named Stalin's deputy for the party: “In view of the fact that Comrade. Stalin, remaining, at the insistence of the Politburo of the Central Committee, the first Secretary of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, will not be able to devote sufficient time to work on the Secretariat of the Central Committee, appoint comrade. Zhdanova A.A. Deputy Comrade. Stalin on the Secretariat of the Central Committee.

Vyacheslav Molotov and Lazar Kaganovich, who had previously actually performed this role, were not awarded the official status of deputy leader for the party.

The struggle among the leaders of the country escalated as Stalin increasingly raised the question that in the event of his death he needed to select successors in the leadership of the party and government. Molotov recalled: “After the war, Stalin was about to retire and said at the table: “Let Vyacheslav work now. He's younger."

For a long time, a possible successor to Stalin was seen in Molotov, but later Stalin, who considered the post of head of government to be the first post in the USSR, in private conversations suggested that he sees Nikolai Voznesensky as his successor in the state line

Continuing to see in Voznesensky his successor in leadership of the country's government, Stalin began to look for another candidate for the post of party leader. Mikoyan recalled: “I think it was 1948. Once, Stalin pointed to 43-year-old Alexei Kuznetsov and said that future leaders should be young, and in general, such a person could someday become his successor in leadership of the party and the Central Committee.

By this time, two dynamic rival groups had formed in the country's leadership. Further, events turned tragically. In August 1948, the leader of the "Leningrad group" A.A. died suddenly. Zhdanov. Almost a year later, in 1949, Voznesensky and Kuznetsov became key figures in the "Leningrad Affair". They were sentenced to death and executed by firing squad on October 1, 1950.

The last years of Stalin's rule (1951-1953)

Since Stalin's health was a taboo topic, only various rumors served as a source for versions about his illnesses. The state of health began to affect his performance. Many documents remained unsigned for a long time. He was the Chairman of the Council of Ministers, and not he, but Voznesensky, chaired the meetings of the Council of Ministers (until he was removed from all posts in 1949). After Voznesensky Malenkov. According to the historian Yu. Zhukov, Stalin's decline in working capacity began in February 1950 and reached its lowest limit, stabilizing in May 1951.

As Stalin began to tire of everyday affairs and business papers remained unsigned for a long time, in February 1951 it was decided that three leaders, Malenkov, Beria and Bulganin, had the right to sign for Stalin, and they used his facsimile.

Georgy Malenkov led the preparations for the 19th Congress of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, which took place in October 1952. At the congress, Malenkov was instructed to deliver the Report of the Central Committee, which was a sign of Stalin's special confidence. Georgy Malenkov was seen as his most likely successor.

On the last day of the congress, October 14, Stalin delivered a short speech. This was Stalin's last open public speech.

The procedure for electing the leading bodies of the party at the Plenum of the Central Committee on October 16, 1952 was quite specific. Stalin, taking out a piece of paper from the pocket of his jacket, said: “The Presidium of the Central Committee of the CPSU could be elected, for example, such comrades - Comrade Stalin, Comrade Andrianov, Comrade Aristov, Comrade Beria, Comrade Bulganin ...” and then alphabetically another 20 names, including the names of Molotov and Mikoyan, to whom in his speech he had just, without any reason, expressed political distrust. Then he read out the candidates for membership in the Presidium of the Central Committee of the CPSU, including the names of Brezhnev and Kosygin.

Then Stalin took out another piece of paper from the side pocket of his jacket and said: “Now about the Secretariat of the Central Committee. It would be possible to elect as secretaries of the Central Committee, for example, such comrades as Comrade Stalin, Comrade Aristov, Comrade Brezhnev, Comrade Ignatov, Comrade Malenkov, Comrade Mikhailov, Comrade Pegov, Comrade Ponomarenko, Comrade Suslov, Comrade Khrushchev.

In total, Stalin proposed 36 people to the Presidium and Secretariat.

At the same plenum, Stalin tried to resign from his party duties, refusing the post of secretary of the Central Committee, but under pressure from the delegates of the plenum, he accepted this position.

Suddenly, someone shouted loudly from the spot: “Comrade Stalin must be elected General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU.” Everyone stood up, thunderous applause broke out. The ovation continued for several minutes. We, sitting in the hall, believed that this was quite natural. But then Stalin waved his hand, calling everyone to silence, and when the applause died down, unexpectedly for the members of the Central Committee said: “No! Release me from the duties of General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU and Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR. After these words, some kind of shock arose, an amazing silence reigned ... Malenkov quickly went down to the podium and said: “Comrades! We must all unanimously and unanimously ask Comrade Stalin, our leader and teacher, to continue to be the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU. Thunderous applause and ovation followed. Then Stalin went to the podium and said: “Applause is not needed at the Plenum of the Central Committee. It is necessary to resolve issues without emotions, in a businesslike way. And I ask to be relieved of my duties as General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU and Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR. I'm already old. I don't read papers. Choose another secretary!”. The people in the hall murmured. Marshal S.K. Timoshenko rose from the front rows and loudly declared: “Comrade Stalin, the people will not understand this! We all as one elect you as our leader - the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU. There can be no other solution." Everyone, standing, warmly applauding, supported Comrade Timoshenko. Stalin stood for a long time and looked into the hall, then waved his hand and sat down.

From the memoir of Leonid Efremov "Roads of struggle and labor" (1998)

When the question arose about the formation of the leading bodies of the party, Stalin took the floor and began to say that it was hard for him to be both the prime minister of the government and the general secretary of the party: The years are not the same; it's hard for me; no forces; well, what kind of prime minister is he who cannot even make a report or a report. Stalin said this and inquisitively peered into the faces, as if studying how the Plenum would react to his words about his resignation. Not a single person sitting in the hall, practically did not admit the possibility of Stalin's resignation. And everyone instinctively felt that Stalin did not want his words about his resignation to be accepted for execution.

From the memoir of Dmitry Shepilov "Non-joining"

Unexpectedly for everyone, Stalin proposed the creation of a new, non-statutory body - the Bureau of the Presidium of the Central Committee. It was supposed to fulfill the functions of the former omnipotent Politburo. Stalin proposed not to include Molotov and Mikoyan in this supreme party organ. This was adopted by the Plenum, as always, unanimously.

Stalin continued to search for a successor, but he no longer shared his intentions with anyone. It is known that shortly before his death, Stalin considered Panteleimon Ponomarenko as the successor and continuer of his work. The high authority of Ponomarenko manifested itself at the XIX Congress of the CPSU. When he took the podium to make his speech, the delegates greeted him with applause. However, Stalin did not have time to carry out the appointment of P.K. Ponomarenko to the post of Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR. Only Beria, Malenkov, Khrushchev and Bulganin out of 25 members of the Presidium of the Central Committee did not have time to sign the appointment document. .

And according to the telegram of the regional committee ... considered it his duty to inform General secretary Central Committee CPSU about the state of affairs around the landfill ... the phone rang - called Secretary Central Committee CPSU O. D. Baklanov, who was in charge ...

This abbreviation, almost never used now, was once known to every child and was pronounced almost with reverence. Central Committee of the CPSU! What do these letters mean?

About the name

The abbreviation we are interested in means or is simpler than the Central Committee. Considering the importance of the Communist Party in society, its governing body could well be called the kitchen in which the fateful decisions for the country were “cooked”. Members of the Central Committee of the CPSU, the main elite of the country, are the “cooks” in this kitchen, and the “chef” is the General Secretary.

From the history of the CPSU

The history of this public entity began long before the revolution and the proclamation of the USSR. Until 1952, its names changed several times: RCP(b), VKP(b). These abbreviations reflected both the ideology, which was specified every time (from the Social Democracy of the Workers to the Communist Party of the Bolsheviks), and the scale (from Russian to All-Union). But the names are not the point. From the 1920s to the 1990s, a one-party system functioned in the country, and the Communist Party had an absolute monopoly. By the Constitution of 1936, it was recognized as the governing core, and in the main law of the country of 1977, it was even proclaimed the leading and guiding force of society. Any directives issued by the Central Committee of the CPSU instantly acquired the force of law.

All this, of course, did not contribute to the democratic development of the country. In the USSR, inequality along party lines was actively propagated. Only members of the CPSU could apply for even small leadership positions, from whom one could also ask for mistakes along the party line. One of the most terrible punishments was the deprivation of the membership card. The CPSU positioned itself as a party of workers and collective farmers, so there were rather strict quotas for its replenishment with new members. It was hard to be in the party ranks for a representative of the creative profession or a mental worker; The CPSU followed its national composition no less strictly. Thanks to such a selection, the really best did not always get into the party.

From the party charter

In accordance with the Charter, all the activities of the Communist Party were collegiate. In the primary organizations, decisions were made at general meetings, but in general, the congress held every few years was the governing body. Approximately once every six months, a party plenum was held. The Central Committee of the CPSU in the intervals between plenums and congresses was the leading unit responsible for all party activities. In turn, the highest body that led the Central Committee itself was the Politburo, headed by the General (First) Secretary.

The functional duties of the Central Committee included personnel policy and local control, spending the party budget and managing the activities of public structures. But not only. Together with the Politburo, the Central Committee of the CPSU determined all ideological activity in the country and resolved the most responsible political and economic issues.

It's hard for people who haven't lived to understand. In a democratic country where a number of parties operate, their activities are of little concern to the average man in the street - he remembers them only before the elections. But in the USSR the leading role of the Communist Party was even emphasized constitutionally! At factories and collective farms, in military units and in creative teams, the party organizer was the second (and often the first in importance) head of this structure. Formally, the Communist Party could not manage economic or political processes: the Council of Ministers existed for this. But in fact, the Communist Party decided everything. Nobody was surprised by the fact that both the most important political problems and the five-year plans for the development of the economy were discussed and determined by party congresses. The Central Committee of the CPSU directed all these processes.

About the main person in the party

Theoretically, the Communist Party was a democratic entity: from the time of Lenin until the last moment, there was no unity of command in it, there were no formal leaders either. It was assumed that the secretary of the Central Committee was just a technical position, and the members of the governing body were equal. The first secretaries of the Central Committee of the CPSU, or rather the RCP (b), were indeed not very noticeable figures. E. Stasova, Ya. Sverdlov, N. Krestinsky, V. Molotov - although their names were well known, these people had nothing to do with practical leadership. But with the advent of I. Stalin, the process went differently: the “father of peoples” managed to subdue all power for himself. There was also a corresponding post - Secretary General. It must be said that the names of the party leaders changed periodically: the Generals were replaced by the First Secretaries of the CPSU Central Committee, then vice versa. With the light hand of Stalin, regardless of the name of his position, the party leader at the same time became the main person of the state.

After the death of the leader in 1953, N. Khrushchev and L. Brezhnev were in this post, then Yu. Andropov and K. Chernenko held the post for a short period. The last party leader was M. Gorbachev - concurrently the only President of the USSR. The era of each of them was significant in its own way. If many consider Stalin a tyrant, then Khrushchev is usually called a voluntarist, and Brezhnev is the father of stagnation. Gorbachev went down in history as a man who first destroyed and then buried a huge state - the Soviet Union.

Conclusion

The history of the CPSU was an academic discipline mandatory for all universities in the country, and every schoolchild in the Soviet Union knew the main milestones in the development and activities of the party. Revolution, then civil war, industrialization and collectivization, victory over fascism and post-war restoration of the country. And then virgin lands and flights into space, large-scale all-Union construction projects - the history of the party was closely intertwined with the history of the state. In each case, the role of the CPSU was considered dominant, and the word "communist" was synonymous with a true patriot and just a worthy person.

But if you read the history of the party differently, between the lines, you get a terrible thriller. Millions of repressed peoples, exiled peoples, camps and political murders, reprisals against objectionable people, persecution of dissidents... It can be said that the author of every black page in Soviet history is the Central Committee of the CPSU.

In the USSR, they liked to quote Lenin's words: "The Party is the mind, honor and conscience of our era." Alas! In fact, the Communist Party was neither one, nor the other, nor the third. After the putsch of 1991, the activities of the CPSU in Russia were banned. Is the Russian Communist Party the successor of the All-Union Party? Even experts find it difficult to explain this.

Nikita Khrushchev was born on April 15, 1894 in the village of Kalinovka, Kursk region. His father, Sergei Nikanorovich, was a miner, his mother, Ksenia Ivanovna Khrushcheva, he also had a sister, Irina. The family was poor, in many ways they were in constant need.

In winter he attended school and learned to read and write, in summer he worked as a shepherd. In 1908, when Nikita was 14 years old, the family moved to the Uspensky mine near Yuzovka. Khrushchev became an apprentice locksmith at the Machine-Building and Iron Foundry Eduard Arturovich Bosse. Since 1912, he began to work independently as a mechanic at the mine. In 1914, during the mobilization to the front of the First World War, and as a miner, he received an indulgence from military service.

In 1918 Khrushchev joined the Bolshevik Party. Participates in the Civil War. In 1918 he headed the Red Guard detachment in Rutchenkovo, then the political commissar of the 2nd battalion of the 74th regiment of the 9th rifle division of the Red Army on the Tsaritsyno front. Later, an instructor in the political department of the Kuban army. After the end of the war, he was engaged in economic and party work. In 1920 he became a political leader, deputy manager of the Rutchenkovskoye mine in the Donbass.

In 1922, Khrushchev returned to Yuzovka and studied at the workers' faculty of the Don Technical School, where he became the party secretary of the technical school. In the same year, he met Nina Kukharchuk, his future wife. In July 1925 he was appointed party leader of the Petrov-Maryinsky district of the Stalin district.

In 1929 he entered the Industrial Academy in Moscow, where he was elected secretary of the party committee.

Since January 1931, 1 secretary of the Baumansky, and since July 1931 of the Krasnopresnensky district committees of the CPSU (b). Since January 1932, he was the second secretary of the Moscow City Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks.

From January 1934 to February 1938 - First Secretary of the Moscow City Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks. From January 21, 1934 - Second Secretary of the Moscow Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks. From March 7, 1935 to February 1938 - First Secretary of the Moscow Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks.

Thus, from 1934 he was the 1st secretary of the Moscow City Committee, and from 1935 he simultaneously held the position of the 1st secretary of the Moscow Committee, he replaced Lazar Kaganovich in both positions, and held them until February 1938.

In 1938, N.S. Khrushchev became the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Bolsheviks of Ukraine and a candidate member of the Politburo, and a year later a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks. In these positions, he proved himself as a merciless fighter against the "enemies of the people." In the late 1930s alone, more than 150,000 party members were arrested in Ukraine under him.

During the Great Patriotic War, Khrushchev was a member of the military councils of the Southwestern direction, the Southwestern, Stalingrad, Southern, Voronezh and 1st Ukrainian fronts. He was one of the culprits of the catastrophic encirclement of the Red Army near Kiev and Kharkov, fully supporting the Stalinist point of view. In May 1942, Khrushchev, together with Golikov, made the decision of the Headquarters on the offensive of the Southwestern Front.

The Headquarters clearly stated: the offensive would end in failure if there were not sufficient funds. On May 12, 1942, the offensive began - the Southern Front, built in linear defense, moved back, because. soon the Kleist tank group launched an offensive from the Kramatorsk-Slavyansky region. The front was broken through, the retreat to Stalingrad began, more divisions were lost along the way than during the summer offensive of 1941. On July 28, already on the outskirts of Stalingrad, Order No. 227 was signed, called “Not a step back!”. The loss near Kharkov turned into a big disaster - the Donbass was taken, the Germans' dream seemed a reality - they failed to cut off Moscow in December 1941, a new task arose - to cut off the Volga oil road.

In October 1942, an order signed by Stalin was issued abolishing the dual command system and transferring commissars from command staff to advisers. Khrushchev was in the front command echelon behind Mamaev Kurgan, then at the tractor factory.

He finished the war with the rank of lieutenant general.

In the period from 1944 to 1947 he worked as chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Ukrainian SSR, then he was again elected first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party (b) of Ukraine.

Since December 1949 - again the first secretary of the Moscow regional and city committees and secretary of the CPSU Central Committee.

On the last day of Stalin's life on March 5, 1953, at the joint meeting of the plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU, the Council of Ministers and the Presidium of the USSR Armed Forces, chaired by Khrushchev, it was recognized as necessary for him to focus on work in the Central Committee of the party.

Khrushchev acted as the leading initiator and organizer of the removal from all posts and the arrest of Lavrenty Beria in June 1953.

In 1953, on September 7, at the plenum of the Central Committee, Khrushchev was elected First Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU. In 1954, the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR decided to transfer the Crimean region and the city of union subordination of Sevastopol to the Ukrainian SSR.

In June 1957, during a four-day meeting of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the CPSU, it was decided to release N.S. Khrushchev from the duties of First Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU. However, a group of Khrushchev's supporters from among the members of the Central Committee of the CPSU, headed by Marshal Zhukov, managed to intervene in the work of the Presidium and achieve the transfer of this issue to the plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU convened for this purpose. At the June plenum of the Central Committee in 1957, Khrushchev's supporters defeated his opponents from among the members of the Presidium.

Four months later, in October 1957, at the initiative of Khrushchev, Marshal Zhukov, who supported him, was removed from the Presidium of the Central Committee and relieved of his duties as Minister of Defense of the USSR.

Since 1958, simultaneously Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR. The apogee of the reign of N.S. Khrushchev is called the XXII Congress of the CPSU and the new party program adopted at it.

The October Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU in 1964, organized in the absence of N. S. Khrushchev, who was on vacation, relieved him of party and government posts "for health reasons."

While in retirement, Nikita Khrushchev recorded multi-volume memoirs on a tape recorder. He denounced their publication abroad. Khrushchev died on September 11, 1971

The period of Khrushchev's rule is often called the "thaw": many political prisoners were released, compared to the period of Stalin's rule, the activity of repressions significantly decreased. Decreased influence of ideological censorship. The Soviet Union has made great strides in space exploration. Active housing construction was launched. During his reign, the highest tension of the Cold War with the United States falls. His policy of de-Stalinization led to a break with the regimes of Mao Zedong in China and Enver Hoxha in Albania. However, at the same time, the People's Republic of China was provided with significant assistance in the development of its own nuclear weapons and a partial transfer of the technologies for their production existing in the USSR was carried out. During the reign of Khrushchev, there was a slight turn of the economy towards the consumer.

Awards, Prizes, Political actions

Exploration of the whole land.

The fight against the cult of personality of Stalin: a report at the XX Congress of the CPSU, condemning the "cult of personality", mass de-Stalinization, the removal of Stalin's body from the Mausoleum in 1961, the renaming of cities named after Stalin, the demolition and destruction of monuments to Stalin (except for the monument in Gori, which was dismantled by the Georgian authorities only in 2010).

Rehabilitation of victims of Stalinist repressions.

Transfer of the Crimean region from the RSFSR to the Ukrainian SSR (1954).

Forceful dispersal of rallies in Tbilisi caused by Khrushchev's report at the XX Congress of the CPSU (1956).

Forceful suppression of the uprising in Hungary (1956).

World Festival of Youth and Students in Moscow (1957).

Full or partial rehabilitation of a number of repressed peoples (except for the Crimean Tatars, Germans, Koreans), restoration of the Kabardino-Balkarian, Kalmyk, Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republics in 1957.

The abolition of sectoral ministries, the creation of economic councils (1957).

Gradual transition to the principle of "permanent personnel", increasing the independence of the heads of the union republics.

The first successes of the space program - the launch of the first artificial satellite of the Earth and the first manned flight into space (1961).

Erection of the Berlin Wall (1961).

Novocherkassk execution (1962).

Deployment of nuclear missiles in Cuba (1962, led to the Cuban Missile Crisis).

The reform of the administrative-territorial division (1962), which included

division of regional committees into industrial and agricultural ones (1962).

Meeting with US Vice President Richard Nixon in Iowa.

Anti-religious campaign 1954-1964.

Lifting the ban on abortion.

Hero of the Soviet Union (1964)

Three times Hero of Socialist Labor (1954, 1957, 1961) - the third time he was awarded the title of Hero of Socialist Labor for leading the creation of the rocket industry and preparing the first manned flight into space (Yu. A. Gagarin, April 12, 1961) (the decree was not published).

Lenin (seven times: 1935, 1944, 1948, 1954, 1957, 1961, 1964)

Suvorov I degree (1945)

Kutuzov I degree (1943)

Suvorov II degree (1943)

Patriotic War I degree (1945)

Labor Red Banner (1939)

"In commemoration of the 100th anniversary of the birth of Vladimir Ilyich Lenin"

"Partisan of the Patriotic War" I degree

"For the Defense of Stalingrad"

"For the Victory over Germany"

"Twenty Years of Victory in the Great Patriotic War 1941-1945"

"For Valiant Labor in the Great Patriotic War"

"For the restoration of ferrous metallurgy enterprises of the south"

"For the development of virgin lands"

"40 years of the Armed Forces of the USSR"

"50 years of the Armed Forces of the USSR"

"In memory of the 800th anniversary of Moscow"

"In memory of the 250th anniversary of Leningrad"

Foreign awards:

Golden Star of the Hero of the NRB (Bulgaria, 1964)

Order of Georgy Dimitrov (Bulgaria, 1964)

Order of the White Lion 1st class (Czechoslovakia) (1964)

Order of the Star of Romania, 1st class

Order of Karl Marx (GDR, 1964)

Order of Sukhe Bator (Mongolia, 1964)

Order of the Nile Necklace (Egypt, 1964)

medal "20 years of the Slovak national uprising" (Czechoslovakia, 1964)

commemorative medal of the World Peace Council (1960)

International Lenin Prize "For strengthening peace between peoples" (1959)

State Prize of the Ukrainian SSR named after T. G. Shevchenko - for a great contribution to the development of the Ukrainian Soviet socialist culture.

Cinema:

"Playhouse 90" "Playhouse 90" (USA, 1958) episode "The Plot to Kill Stalin" - Oskar Homolka

Zotz Zotz! (USA, 1962) - Albert Glasser

"Rockets of October" The Missiles of October (USA, 1974) - Howard DaSilva

"Francis Gary Powers" Francis Gary Powers: The True Story of the U-2 Spy Incident (USA, 1976) - David Thayer

"Suez, 1956" Suez 1956 (England, 1979) - Aubrey Morris

"Red Monarch" Red Monarch (England, 1983) - Brian Glover

"Far from Home" Miles from Home (USA, 1988) - Larry Pauling

"Stalingrad" (1989) - Vadim Lobanov

"Law" (1989), Ten years without the right to correspond (1990), "General" (1992) - Vladimir Romanovsky

"Stalin" (1992) - Murray Evan

"Cooperative "Politburo", or It will be a long farewell" (1992) - Igor Kashintsev

"Gray Wolves" (1993) - Rolan Bykov

"Children of the Revolution" (1996) - Dennis Watkins

"Enemy at the Gates" (2000) - Bob Hoskins

"Passion" "Passions" (USA, 2002) - Alex Rodney

"Time Watch" "Timewatch" (England, 2005) - Miroslav Neinert

"Battle for Space" (2005) - Constantine Gregory

"Star of the era" (2005), "Furtseva. The Legend of Catherine "(2011) - Viktor Sukhorukov

"Georg" (Estonia, 2006) - Andrius Vaari

"The Company" "The Company" (USA, 2007) - Zoltan Bersenyi

"Stalin. Live" (2006); "House of Exemplary Content" (2009); "Wolf Messing: who saw through time" (2009); "Hockey Games" (2012) - Vladimir Chuprikov

Brezhnev (2005), And Shepilov who joined them (2009), Once Upon a Time in Rostov, Mosgaz (2012), Son of the Father of Nations (2013) - Sergey Losev

"Bomb for Khrushchev" (2009)

"Miracle" (2009), "Zhukov" (2012) - Alexander Potapov

"Comrade Stalin" (2011) - Viktor Balabanov

"Stalin and Enemies" (2013) - Alexander Tolmachev

"K blows the roof" (2013) - Academy Award nominee Paul Giamatti

Documentaries

"Coup" (1989). Production by Tsentrnauchfilm studio

Historical chronicles (a series of documentaries about the history of Russia, aired on the Rossiya TV channel since October 9, 2003):

57th series. 1955 - "Nikita Khrushchev, the beginning ..."

61st series. 1959 - Metropolitan Nicholas

63rd series. 1961 - Khrushchev. Beginning of the End

"Khrushchev. The first after Stalin "(2014)

L. I. Brezhnev was elected to this position. At the XXIII Congress of the CPSU, held in 1966, changes were adopted in the Charter of the CPSU, and the post of First Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU was abolished. Also, the former - abolished in 1934 - the name of the position of the first person in the Central Committee of the party, the General Secretary, was returned.

Chronological list of actual leaders of the CPSU

Supervisor	from	on	Position
Lenin, Vladimir Ilyich	October 1917	1922	informal leader
Stalin, Joseph Vissarionovich	April 1922	1934	General Secretary of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks
Stalin, Joseph Vissarionovich	1934	March 1953	Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU (b)
Khrushchev, Nikita Sergeevich	March 1953	September 1953	Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU (b)
Khrushchev, Nikita Sergeevich	September 1953	October 1964	First Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU
Brezhnev, Leonid Ilyich	October 1964	1966	First Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU
Brezhnev, Leonid Ilyich	1966	November 1982	General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU
Andropov, Yuri Vladimirovich	November 1982	February 1984
Chernenko, Konstantin Ustinovich	February 1984	March 1985
Gorbachev, Mikhail Sergeevich	March 1985	August 1991

The last general secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU. How many general secretaries of the Central Committee of the CPSU were there in the USSR

WAS THERE AN ALTERNATIVE?

IN AND. LENIN. LETTER TO THE CONGRESS

About the name

From the history of the CPSU

From the party charter

About the main person in the party

Conclusion

Awards, Prizes, Political actions

Chronological list of actual leaders of the CPSU

see also

See what "First Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU" is in other dictionaries:

Books

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The last general secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU. How many general secretaries of the Central Committee of the CPSU were there in the USSR

WAS THERE AN ALTERNATIVE?

IN AND. LENIN. LETTER TO THE CONGRESS

About the name

From the history of the CPSU

From the party charter

About the main person in the party

Conclusion

Awards, Prizes, Political actions

Chronological list of actual leaders of the CPSU

see also

See what "First Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU" is in other dictionaries:

Books

We also recommend