The new tsar at the Zemsky Sobor in 1613

The Zemsky Sobor of 1613 marked the end of the Time of Troubles and was supposed to bring order to the rule of Russia. Let me remind you that after the death of Ivan 4 (the Terrible), the place on the throne was free, since the tsar left no heirs. That is why the Troubles occurred, when both internal forces and external representatives carried out endless attempts to seize power.

Reasons for convening the Zemsky Sobor

After the foreign invaders were expelled not only from Moscow, but also from Russia, Minin, Pozharsky and Trubetskoy sent invitation letters to all the destinies of the country, urging all representatives of the nobility to come to the Cathedral, where a new tsar would be elected.

The Zemsky Sobor of 1613 opened in January, and it was attended by:

• Clergy
• Boyars
• nobles
• City Elders
• Peasant representatives
• Cossacks

In total, 700 people took part in the Zemsky Sobor.

The course of the Council and its decisions

The first decision that was approved by the Zemsky Sobor was that the tsar must be Russian. He must not refer to aliens in any way.

Marina Mniszek intended to crown her son Ivan (whom historians often call "Vorenok") for the reign, but after the Council's decision that the tsar should not be a foreigner, she fled to Ryazan.

History reference

The events of those days must be considered from the point of view of the fact that there were a huge number of people who wanted to take a place on the throne. Therefore, groups began to form, which united, promoting their representative. There were several such groups:

• Noble boyars. This included representatives of the boyar family. One part of them believed that Fedor Mstislavsky or Vasily Golitsyn would become the ideal tsar for Russia. Others leaned towards the young Mikhail Romanov. The number of boyars by interests was divided approximately equally.
• Nobles. These were also noble people with great authority. They promoted their "king" - Dmitry Trubetskoy. The difficulty was that Trubetskoy had the rank of "boyar", which he had recently received in the Tushensky yard.
• Cossacks. By tradition, the Cossacks joined the one who had the money. In particular, they actively served the Tushensky court, and after the latter was dispersed, they began to support the tsar, who was related to Tushin.

Mikhail Romanov's father, Filaret, was a patriarch in the Tushensky court and enjoyed great respect there. Largely due to this fact, Mikhail was supported by the Cossacks and the clergy.

Karamzin

Romanov did not have many rights to the throne. The more serious claim to him was that his father was on friendly terms with both False Dmitrys. The first False Dmitry made Filaret a metropolitan and his protege, and the second False Dmitry appointed him patriarch and his protege. That is, Mikhail's father was on very friendly terms with foreigners, whom they had just got rid of by the decision of the Council of 1613, they decided not to call for power anymore.

results

The Zemsky Sobor of 1613 ended on February 21 - Mikhail Romanov was elected tsar. Now it is difficult to reliably speak about all the intricacies of the events of those days, since not so many documents have survived. Nevertheless, it is known for certain that the Cathedral was surrounded by complex intrigues. This is not surprising - the stakes were too high. The fate of the country and entire ruling dynasties was being decided.

The result of the Council was that Mikhail Romanov was elected to the kingdom, who at that time was only 16 years old. The unequivocal answer "Why exactly him?" no one will. Historians say that it was the most convenient figure for all dynasties. Allegedly, young Mikhail was an extremely suggestible person and he could be "managed as the majority needs." In fact, all the fullness of power (especially in the first years of the reign of Romanov) was not with the tsar himself, but with his father, Patriarch Filaret. It was he who actually ruled Russia on behalf of his son.

Feature and controversy

The main feature of the Zemsky Sobor of 1613 was its mass character. Representatives of all classes and estates, with the exception of serfs and rootless peasants, took part in deciding the future of the country. In fact, we are talking about an all-estate Council, which had no analogues in the history of Russia.

The second feature is the importance of the solution and its complexity. There is no definite answer why Romanov was chosen. After all, it was not the most obvious candidate. The entire Council was marked by a large number of intrigues, bribery attempts and other manipulations of people.

Summarizing, we can say that the Zemsky Sobor of 1613 was of great importance for the history of Russia. He concentrated power in the hands of the Russian tsar, laid the foundation for a new dynasty (the Romanovs) and delivered the country from constant problems and claims to the throne from the Germans, Poles, Swedes and others.

On March 3, 1613, the Zemsky Sobor installed Mikhail Fedorovich Romanov as king. How was the first Romanov tsar elected, who was behind it, and could another decision have been made?

Candidates

There were many contenders for the Russian throne. The two most unpopular candidates - the Polish prince Vladislav and the son of False Dmitry II - were "weeded out" immediately. The Swedish king's son Karl-Philip had more supporters, among them - the leader of the Zemstvo army, Prince Pozharsky. Why did the patriot of the Russian land opt for a foreign prince? Perhaps the antipathy of the “thin-born” Pozharsky to domestic applicants - the well-born boyars, who in the Time of Troubles more than once betrayed those to whom they swore allegiance, had an effect. He feared that the “boyar tsar” would sow the seeds of a new unrest in Russia, as happened during the short reign of Vasily Shuisky. Therefore, Prince Dmitry stood for the calling of the "Varangian", but most likely it was Pozharsky's "maneuver", since in the end only Russian applicants, noble princes, participated in the struggle for the royal throne. The head of the infamous "seven boyars" Fyodor Mstislavsky compromised himself by collaborating with the Poles, Ivan Vorotynsky renounced his claim to the throne, Vasily Golitsyn was in Polish captivity, the leaders of the militia Dmitry Trubetskoy and Dmitry Pozharsky did not differ in nobility. But the new king must unite the country split by the Time of Troubles. The question was: how to give preference to one family, so that a new round of boyar civil strife would not begin?

Mikhail Fedorovich did not pass the first round

The candidacy of the Romanovs as the main contenders did not arise by chance: Mikhail Romanov was the nephew of Tsar Fyodor Ioannovich. Mikhail's father, Patriarch Filaret, was respected among the clergy and Cossacks. In favor of the candidacy of Mikhail Fedorovich, the boyar Fyodor Sheremetyev actively campaigned. He assured the obstinate boyars that Mikhail "is young and will be familiar to us." In other words, become their puppet. But the boyars did not allow themselves to be persuaded: in the preliminary vote, the candidacy of Mikhail Romanov did not get the required number of votes.

no-show

When Romanov was elected, an overlay arose: the Cathedral demanded the arrival of the young applicant in Moscow. The Romanov party could not allow this: an inexperienced, timid, inexperienced young man in intrigues would have made an unfavorable impression on the delegates of the Council. Sheremetyev and his supporters had to show miracles of eloquence, proving how dangerous the path from the Kostroma village of Domnino, where Mikhail was, to Moscow. Was it not then that the legend about the feat of Ivan Susanin, who saved the life of the future tsar, arose? After a heated debate, the Romanovs succeeded in persuading the Council to cancel the decision on Michael's arrival.

tightening

On February 7, 1613, the rather tired delegates announced a two-week break: “for a large strengthening, they postponed February from the 7th of February to the 21st.” Messengers were sent to the cities "to see through their thoughts in all sorts of people." The voice of the people, of course, is the voice of God, but isn't two weeks not enough to monitor the public opinion of a large country? It is not easy for a messenger to get to Siberia, for example, even in two months. Most likely, the boyars counted on the departure from Moscow of the most active supporters of Mikhail Romanov - the Cossacks. If the stanitsa get bored, they say, to sit idle in the city, they will disperse. The Cossacks really dispersed, so much so that the boyars did not seem a little ...

The role of Pozharsky

Let's return to Pozharsky and his lobbying for the Swedish candidate for the Russian throne. In the autumn of 1612, the militia captured a Swedish spy. Until January 1613, he languished in captivity, but shortly before the beginning of the Zemsky Sobor, Pozharsky freed the spy and sent him to Novgorod occupied by the Swedes with a letter to the commander Jacob Delagardie. In it, Pozharsky reports that both he himself and most of the noble boyars want to see Karl-Philip on the Russian throne. But, as subsequent events showed, Pozharsky misinformed the Swede. One of the first decisions of the Zemsky Sobor was that there should not be a foreigner on the Russian throne, the sovereign should be elected "from Moscow families, which God wills." Was Pozharsky really so naive that he did not know the mood of the majority? Of course not. Prince Dmitry deliberately fooled Delagardie with "universal support" for the candidacy of Charles Philip, in order to prevent Swedish interference in the election of the king. The Russians hardly repelled the Polish onslaught, and a campaign against Moscow by the Swedish army could also turn out to be fatal.

Pozharsky's "cover operation" was successful: the Swedes did not move. That is why on February 20, Prince Dmitry, having safely forgotten about the Swedish prince, proposed to the Zemsky Sobor to choose a tsar from the Romanov family, and then he put his signature on the conciliar charter on the election of Mikhail Fedorovich. During the coronation of the new sovereign, it was Pozharsky who was given a high honor by Mikhail: the prince presented him with one of the symbols of power - the royal power. Modern political technologists can only envy such a competent PR move: the savior of the Fatherland hands the state to the new tsar. Beautiful. Looking ahead, we note that until his death (1642) Pozharsky faithfully served Mikhail Fedorovich, taking advantage of his unchanging location. It is unlikely that the tsar would have favored someone who wanted to see not him, but some Swedish prince on the throne of the Ruriks.

Cossacks

A special role in the selection of the king belongs to the Cossacks. An interesting story about this is contained in the Tale of the Zemsky Sobor of 1613. It turns out that on February 21 the boyars decided to choose the king by casting lots, but the hope for "maybe", in which any forgery is possible, seriously angered the Cossacks. Cossack orators smashed the boyar "tricks" to smithereens and solemnly proclaimed: "By God's will, in the reigning city of Moscow and all Russia, let there be a tsar, sovereign and grand duke Mikhailo Fedorovich!" This cry was immediately picked up by supporters of the Romanovs, and not only in the Cathedral, but also among the large crowd of people in the square. It was the Cossacks who cut the "Gordian knot", having achieved the election of Mikhail. The unknown author of the “Tale” (probably an eyewitness of what is happening) does not spare colors, describing the reaction of the boyars: “The Bolyar at that time was obsessed with fear and trembling trembling, and their faces were changing with blood, and no one could say anything.”

Only Mikhail's uncle, Ivan Romanov, nicknamed Kasha, who for some reason did not want to see his nephew on the throne, tried to object: "Mikhailo Fedorovich is still young and not in full mind." To which the Cossack wits objected: “But you, Ivan Nikitich, are an old verst, in full mind ... you will be a strong potor to him.” Mikhail did not forget Uncle's assessment of his mental abilities and subsequently removed Ivan Kasha from all state affairs. The Cossack demarche came as a complete surprise to Dmitry Trubetskoy: “His face is black, and falling into an ailment, and lying for many days, without leaving his courtyard from the mountain, that the Cossacks exhausted the treasury and recognized them as flattering in words and deceit.” The prince can be understood: it was he, the leader of the Cossack militia, who counted on the support of his comrades-in-arms, generously endowed them with a "treasury" - and suddenly they were on the side of Mikhail. Perhaps the Romanov party paid more?

British recognition

On February 21 (March 3), 1613, the Zemsky Sobor made a historic decision: to elect Mikhail Fedorovich Romanov to the kingdom. The first country to recognize the new sovereign was England: in the same year, 1613, the embassy of John Metric arrived in Moscow. Thus began the history of the second and last royal dynasty of Russia. It is significant that throughout his reign, Mikhail Fedorovich showed a special attitude towards the British. So, Mikhail Fedorovich restored relations with the British "Moscow Company" after the Time of Troubles, and although he curtailed the freedom of action of English merchants, he nevertheless put them on preferential terms not only with other foreigners, but also with representatives of the Russian "big business".

Similar institutions arose both in Western Europe and in the Muscovite state. However, the causes and consequences of their activities were radically different. If in the first case class meetings served as an arena for solving political issues, a battlefield for power, then in Russia such meetings were mainly used for administrative tasks. In fact, the sovereign got acquainted with the needs of the common people through such events.

In addition, such meetings arose immediately after the unification of states, both in Europe and in Muscovy, therefore, this body coped with the formation of a holistic picture of the state of affairs in the country in the best possible way.

1613, for example, played a revolutionary role in the history of Russia. It was then that Mikhail Romanov was placed on the throne, whose family ruled the country for the next three hundred years. And it was his descendants who brought the state from the backward Middle Ages to the forefront at the beginning of the twentieth century.

Zemsky Sobors in Russia

Only such conditions, which were created by the estate-representative monarchy, allowed the emergence and development of such an institution as the Zemsky Sobor. 1549 was an outstanding year in this respect. Ivan the Terrible gathers people to eliminate corruption on the ground. The event was called the "Cathedral of Reconciliation".

The very same word at that time had the meaning of "nationwide", which determined the basis of the activities of this body.

The role of the zemstvo sobors was to discuss political, economic and administrative issues. In fact, it was the tsar's connection with the common people, passing through the filter of the needs of the boyars and the clergy.

Although democracy did not work out, the needs of the lower classes were still taken into account more than in Europe, permeated through and through with absolutism.

All free people took part in such events, that is, only serfs were not allowed. Everyone had the right to vote, but the actual and final decision was made only by the sovereign.

Since the first Zemsky Sobor was convened at the will of the tsar, and the effectiveness of its activities was quite high, this practice became stronger.

However, the functions of this institution of power changed periodically depending on the situation in the country. Let's look into this issue in more detail.

The evolution of the role of the cathedral from Ivan the Terrible to Mikhail Romanov

If you remember something from the textbook "History, Grade 7", without a doubt, the period of the 16th - 17th centuries was one of the most intriguing, starting from the child-killing king and ending with the time of troubles, when the interests of various noble families clashed and arose from scratch folk heroes like Ivan Susanin.
Let's see what exactly happened at that time.

The first Zemsky Sobor was convened by Ivan the Terrible in 1549. It has not yet been a full-fledged secular council. The clergy took an active part in it. At this time, the ministers of the church are completely subordinate to the king and serve more as a conductor of his will to the people.

The next period includes the dark time of the Troubles. It continues until the overthrow of Vasily Shuisky from the throne in 1610. It was during these years that the significance of Zemsky Sobors changed dramatically. Now they serve the idea promoted by the new pretender to the throne. Basically, the decisions of such meetings at that time ran counter to the strengthening of statehood.

The next stage became the "golden age" for this institution of power. The activities of Zemsky Sobors combined legislative and executive functions. In fact, this was the period of the temporary rule of the "parliament of tsarist Russia."
After the appearance of a permanent ruler, the period of restoration of the state after the devastation begins. It was at this time that qualified advice was needed for a young and inexperienced king. Therefore, cathedrals play the role of an advisory body. Their members help the ruler sort out financial and administrative issues.

In nine years, starting from 1613, the boyars manage to streamline the collection of five-point money, prevent the re-invasion of the Polish-Lithuanian troops, and also restore the economy after the Time of Troubles.

Since 1622, not a single council has been held for ten years. The situation in the country was stable, so there was no particular need for it.

Zemsky Sobors in the 17th century increasingly assumed the role of a regulatory body in the sphere of domestic, but more often foreign policy. The accession of Ukraine, Azov, Russian-Polish-Crimean relations and many issues are resolved precisely through this tool.

From the second half of the seventeenth century, the significance of such events noticeably decreases, and by the end of the century it ceases altogether. The most notable were two cathedrals - in 1653 and 1684.

At the first, the Zaporizhzhya army was accepted into the Moscow state, and in 1684 the last gathering took place. It decided the fate of the Commonwealth.
This is where the history of Zemsky Sobors ends. Peter the Great especially contributed to this with his policy of establishing absolutism in the state.
But let's take a closer look at the events of one of the most important cathedrals in the history of Russia.

Prehistory of the Cathedral of 1613

After death, the Time of Troubles began in Russia. He was the last of the descendants of Ivan Vasilyevich the Terrible. His brothers had died earlier. The eldest, John, as scientists believe, fell at the hands of his father, and the youngest, Dmitry, disappeared in Uglich. He is considered dead, but there are no reliable facts of his death.

Thus, from 1598, complete confusion begins. Irina, the wife of Fyodor Ioannovich, and Boris Godunov successively ruled in the country. Then the son of Boris, Theodore, False Dmitry the First and Vasily Shuisky visited the throne.

This is a period of economic decline, anarchy and the invasion of neighboring armies. In the north, for example, the Swedes ruled. With the support of part of the population of Moscow, Polish troops entered the Kremlin under the leadership of Vladislav, the son of Sigismund III, the Polish king and Lithuanian prince.

It turns out that the 17th century in the history of Russia played an ambiguous role. The events that unfolded in the country forced the people to come to a common desire to get rid of the devastation. There were two attempts to expel impostors from the Kremlin. The first - under the leadership of Lyapunov, Zarutsky and Trubetskoy, and the second was headed by Minin and Pozharsky.

It turns out that the convening of the Zemsky Sobor in 1613 was simply inevitable. If not for such a turn of events, who knows how history would have developed and what the situation in the state would be like today.

Thus, in Pozharsky and Minin, at the head of the people's militia, the Polish-Lithuanian troops were expelled from the capital. All the prerequisites for restoring order in the country were created.

Convocation

As we know, Zemsky Sobors in the 17th century were an element of state administration (as opposed to spiritual ones). The secular authorities needed advice, which in many respects repeated the functions of the Slavic veche, when all the free men of the clan met and resolved pressing issues.

Prior to this, the first Zemsky Sobor of 1549 was still joint. It was attended by representatives of the church and secular authorities. Later, only the metropolitan spoke from the clergy.

This happened in October 1612, when, after the expulsion of the Polish-Lithuanian troops that occupied the heart of the capital, the Kremlin, they began to put the country in order. The army of the Commonwealth, which occupied Moscow, was liquidated quite simply due to the fact that Hetman Khotkevich stopped supporting it. In Poland, they have already understood that in the current situation they cannot win.

Thus, after cleaning up all the external occupying forces, it was necessary to establish a normal strong government. For this, messengers were sent to all regions and volosts with a proposal to join the chosen people in the general council in Moscow.

However, due to the fact that the state was still devastated and not very calm, the townspeople were able to gather only a month later. Thus, the Zemsky Sobor of 1613 was convened on January 6th.

The only place that could accommodate all the people who arrived was the Assumption Cathedral in the Kremlin. According to various sources, their total number ranged from seven hundred to one and a half thousand people.

Candidates

The result of such chaos in the country was a large number of people who wanted to sit on the throne. In addition to the primordially Russian princely families, the rulers of other countries joined the election race. Among the latter, for example, were the Swedish prince Karl and the prince of the Commonwealth Vladislav. The latter was not in the least embarrassed by the fact that he was kicked out of the Kremlin only a month ago.

The Russian nobility, although they presented their candidatures for the Zemsky Sobor of 1613, did not have much weight in the eyes of the public. Let's see which of the representatives of the princely families aspired to power.

The Shuiskys, as well-known descendants, were undoubtedly quite sure of victory. However, the danger that they, and the Godunovs who found themselves in a similar situation, would begin to take revenge on past offenders who overthrew their ancestors was very high. Therefore, the chances of their victory turned out to be scanty, since many of the voters were related to those who could suffer from the new rulers.

Kurakins, Mstislavsky and other princes, who once collaborated with the Kingdom of Poland and the Principality of Lithuania, although they made an attempt to join power, failed. The people did not forgive them for their betrayal.

The Golitsyns could well have ruled the Moscow kingdom if their most powerful representative had not languished in captivity in Poland.

The Vorotynskys did not have a bad past, but for secret reasons their candidate, Ivan Mikhailovich, filed for self-withdrawal. The version of his participation in the "Seven Boyars" is considered the most plausible.

And, finally, the applicants most suitable for this vacancy are Pozharsky and Trubetskoy. In principle, they could have won, since they especially distinguished themselves during the Time of Troubles, knocked out the Polish-Lithuanian troops from the capital. However, they were let down, in the eyes of the local nobility, by a not very outstanding pedigree. In addition, the composition of the Zemsky Sobor was not unreasonably afraid of the subsequent “purge” of the participants in the Seven Boyars, with which these candidates could most likely start their political careers.

Thus, it turns out that it was necessary to find a previously unknown, but at the same time quite a noble descendant of a princely family, capable of leading the country.

official motives

Many scientists have been interested in this topic. Is it a joke - to determine the real course of events during the formation of the foundations of modern Russian statehood!
As the history of Zemsky Sobors shows, together people managed to make the most correct decisions.

Judging by the records of the protocol, the first decision of the people was to exclude all foreign applicants from the list of candidates. Neither Vladislav nor the Swedish prince Charles could now participate in the "race".

The next step was the selection of a candidate from the local representatives of the nobility. The main problem was that most of them had compromised themselves during the past ten years.

Seven boyars, participation in uprisings, support for Swedish and Polish-Lithuanian troops - all these factors played against all candidates to a large extent.

Judging by the documents, in the end there was only one left, which we did not mention above. This man was a descendant of the family of Ivan the Terrible. He was the nephew of the last legitimate tsar Theodore Ioannovich.

Thus, the election of Mikhail Romanov was the most correct decision in the eyes of the majority of voters. The only difficulty was the lack of nobility. His family descended from the boyar from the Prussian princes Andrei Kobyla.

First version of events

The 17th century in the history of Russia was of particular importance. It is from this period that we know such names as Minin and Pozharsky, Trubetskoy, Godunov, Shuisky, False Dmitry, Susanin and others.

It was at this time that by the will of fate, or perhaps by God's finger, the ground for the future empire was formed. If not for the Cossacks, which we will talk about a little later, the course of history would most likely be completely different.

So, what was the advantage of Mikhail Romanov?

According to the official version presented by many respected historians such as Cherepnin, Degtyarev and others, there were several factors.

Firstly, this applicant was quite young and inexperienced. His inexperience in state affairs would have allowed the boyars to become "gray cardinals" and in the role of advisers to be actual kings.

The second factor was the involvement of his father in the events associated with False Dmitry II. That is, all defectors from Tushino could not be afraid of revenge or punishment from the new king.

Of all the applicants, only this family was the least associated with the Commonwealth during the "Seven Boyars", so the patriotic feelings of the people were completely satisfied. Still: a boyar from the family of Ivan Kalita, who among his relatives has a clergyman of high rank, an opponent of the oprichnina and, moreover, young and “common”, as Sheremetyev described him. These are the factors, according to the official version of events, that influenced the accession of Mikhail Romanov.

The second version of the cathedral

Opponents consider the following factor to be the main motive for the election of the said candidate. Sheremetyev quite strongly strove for power, but could not achieve it directly due to the ignorance of the family. In view of this, as history teaches us (Grade 7), he developed an unusually active work to popularize Mikhail Romanov. Everything was beneficial for him, because his chosen one was a simple, inexperienced young man from the outback. He did not understand anything either in public administration, or in metropolitan life, or in intrigues.

And to whom will he be grateful for such generosity and who will he listen to first of all when making important decisions? Of course, those who helped him take the throne.

Thanks to the activity of this boyar, most of those who gathered at the Zemsky Sobor in 1613 were prepared to make the “right” decision. But something went wrong. And the first results of the voting are declared invalid "due to the absence of many voters."

The boyars, who opposed such a candidacy, made an attempt to get rid of Romanov. A detachment of Polish-Lithuanian soldiers was sent to eliminate the objectionable applicant. But the future tsar was saved by the previously unknown peasant Ivan Susanin. He led the punishers into the swamp, where they disappeared safely (along with the folk hero).

Shuisky, on the other hand, develops a slightly different front of activity. He begins to contact the atamans of the Cossacks. It is believed that this force played a major role in the accession of Mikhail Romanov.

Of course, one should not belittle the role of Zemsky Sobors, but without the active and urgent actions of these detachments, the future tsar would actually have no chance. It was they who actually put him on the throne by force. We will talk about this a little lower.

The last attempt of the boyars to avoid the victory of Romanov was his coming out to the people, so to speak, "to the bride." However, judging by the documents, Shuisky was afraid of failure, due to the fact that Mikhail was a simple and illiterate person. He could discredit himself if he began to speak to the voters. That is why tough and urgent action was needed.

Why did the Cossacks intervene?

Most likely, thanks to the active actions of Shuisky and the imminent failure of his company, as well as due to the attempt of the boyars to “dishonorably deceive” the Cossacks, the following events occurred.

The significance of Zemstvo sobors is, of course, great, but aggressive and brute force often turns out to be more effective. In fact, at the end of February 1613, there was a semblance of an assault on the Winter Palace.

The Cossacks broke into the Metropolitan's house and demanded to convene the people for discussion. They unanimously wished to see Romanov as their tsar, "a man from a good root, who is a good branch and honor of the family."
The frightened clergyman summoned the boyars, and under pressure a unanimous decision was made on the accession of this candidate.

Cathedral oath

This is actually a protocol that was drawn up by Zemsky Sobors in Russia. The delegation delivered a copy of such a document to the future tsar and his mother on March 2 in Kolomna. Since Mikhail was only seventeen years old at that time, it is not surprising that he was frightened and immediately flatly refused to ascend the throne.

However, some researchers of this period argue that this move was later corrected, since the conciliar oath actually completely repeats the document read to Boris Godunov. "To confirm the people in the thought of the modesty and piety of their king."

Be that as it may, Michael was persuaded. And on May 2, 1613, he arrives in the capital, where he is crowned on July 11 of the same year.

Thus, we got acquainted with such a unique and hitherto only partially studied phenomenon in the history of the Russian state as Zemsky Sobors. The main point that defines this phenomenon today is its fundamental difference from the veche. No matter how similar they may be, there are several fundamental features. Firstly, the veche was local, and the cathedral was state. Secondly, the former had full power, while the latter was still more of an advisory body.

Razheva Arina

This work was presented to the IX city scientific-practical conference of schoolchildren "First steps into science" by a student of grade 6

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IX city scientific and practical conference of schoolchildren

"First Steps in Science"

Section: history

Job title:

« Mikhail Romanov and other contenders

to the royal throne in 1613»

g.o. Tolyatti, MBU secondary school No. 47, 6 "A" class

Scientific adviser: Kozyreva Svetlana Nikolaevna,

History teacher, MBU secondary school No. 47

Tolyatti

2013

1. Introduction 3

2. Main part 4

2.1. About the candidates for the throne in 1613 5

2.2. About Mikhail Fedorovich Romanov 6

2.3. On the role of the Zemsky Sobor of 1613 7

3. Conclusion 9

4. References 10

Introduction

On March 1, 2012, an Appeal to compatriots was published on the celebration of the 400th anniversary of overcoming the Troubles and the restoration of the Russian statehood by the Head of the House of Romanov E.I.V. Empress Grand Duchess Maria Vladimirovna. In particular, it says: “400 years ago, our Motherland was tormented by a terrible, hitherto unseen Trouble. confusion and betrayal of the ruling stratum, from indifference, bitterness, suspicion, mutual hatred, cowardice, lies, meanness and self-interest, engulfing all classes without exception ... We need to be deeply imbued with the idea that we are celebrating the 400th anniversary of the feat of our great long-suffering People. and the main thing is not honoring the dynasty, hierarchs, military leaders, diplomats and aristocrats, no matter how significant their contribution to the national struggle, but glorifying the courage, self-sacrifice and love of ordinary people who liberated and revived our country ... symbolic state, church and social acts, we are obliged to to single out and put at the forefront the social and educational content of the anniversary ... "

What was so significant that happened 400 years ago? Why was the election of Mikhail Romanov to the reign so important for the life of all of Russia? Were there other candidates for the throne and why the choice did not fall on them? What role did the Zemsky Sobor of 1613 play in solving these problems?

Fundamental question:What role did the Zemsky Sobor of 1613 play in choosing a new ruling dynasty in Russia?

Objective: compare different contenders for the royal throne and find out the reasons for the election of Mikhail Fedorovich Romanov to reign

Research objectives:

1. To study the historical background of the election of Mikhail Fedorovich Romanov to the royal throne.

2. Get to know the contenders for the reign and compare their chances in the election campaign.

3. Find out the reasons for the election of Mikhail Fedorovich Romanov to reign

4. Determine the role of the Zemsky Sobor in choosing a new ruling dynasty in Russia.

Main content

The history of Russia at the turn of the 16th-17th centuries is replete with events. The state entered a period of economic decline, internal strife and military failures. It was on the verge of collapse. Enemies - Swedes and Poles - captured the country's largest border fortresses - Smolensk and Novgorod, and then occupied Moscow. Internal conflict undermined the strength of a huge power. The disasters spawned a broad popular movement. The state was going through a protracted and complex moral-political and socio-economic crisis. The result of which was the change of royal dynasties in Russia - the Rurik dynasty was replaced by the Romanov dynasty.

October 26, 1612 in Moscow, deprived of support from the main forces of Hetman Khodkevich, the Polish garrison capitulated. After the liberation of the capital, it became necessary to choose a new sovereign. Letters were sent from Moscow to many cities of Russia on behalf of the liberators of Moscow - D. Pozharsky and D. Trubetskoy, who ordered representatives of each city to arrive in Moscow before December 6th. However, the elected for a long time gathered from the distant ends of the still seething Russia. Some lands (for example, Tverskaya) were devastated and burned completely. Someone sent 10-15 people, someone just one representative. The opening date of the meetings of the Zemsky Sobor was postponed from December 6 to January 6, 1613. In dilapidated Moscow, the only building left that can accommodate all the elected ones is the Assumption Cathedral of the Moscow Kremlin. According to various estimates, the number of those gathered varies from 700 to 1500 people. The Zemsky Sobor, held in Moscow in January–February 1613, "was the most representative of all the Zemsky Sobors". It was indeed a "Russian National Assembly", whose representatives were especially concerned that their decision should express the will of "the whole earth." The electives, although they had broad powers, still sent their decisions to the survey of cities. Having gathered after many years of cruel events, civil strife, people were divided by the recent past.

About candidates for the throne

A sharp struggle flared up around the candidacy of the future tsar at the Council. It was proposed to call on a "prince" from Poland or Sweden; they recalled that the tsar could only be elected from among the "natural Moscow boyars" and put forward applicants from the old Russian princely families; they even offered the son of False Dmitry II and Marina Mnishek. In addition to Mikhail Romanov, both representatives of the local nobility and representatives of the ruling dynasties of neighboring countries claimed the Russian throne. Among the last candidates for the throne were:

Polish prince Vladislav, son of Sigismund III

Swedish prince Karl Philip, son of Charles IX

Among the representatives of the local nobility, the following names stood out. As can be seen from the above list, they all had serious shortcomings in the eyes of voters.

Golitsyn. This clan descended from Gediminas of Lithuania, but the absence of V.V. Golitsyn (he was in Polish captivity) deprived this clan of strong candidates.

Mstislavsky and Kurakin. Representatives of these noble Russian families undermined their reputation by collaborating with the Poles. According to the official version, the most influential representative of this family, I. M. Vorotynsky, recused himself.

Godunov and Shuisky. Both those and others were relatives of the earlier ruling monarchs. The Shuisky family, in addition, descended from Rurik. However, kinship with the overthrown rulers was fraught with a certain danger: having ascended the throne, the chosen ones could be carried away by settling political scores with opponents.

Dmitry Pozharsky and Dmitry Trubetskoy. They, undoubtedly, glorified their names during the storming of Moscow, but did not differ in nobility.

In addition, the candidacy of Marina Mniszek and her son from marriage with False Dmitry II, nicknamed "Raven", was considered.

Of the eight candidates for tsars put forward on behalf of the boyars, four (F. Mstislavsky, I. Vorotynsky, F. Sheremetev, I. Romanov) as members of the notorious Seven Boyars were together with the Poles in Moscow in 1611-1612. during assaults by its first and second militias. That is, they were persons who were obviously unacceptable to the liberators of the capital. The fifth, the steward I. Cherkassky, did fight on the side of the Poles against the first militia, was taken prisoner by the Russians, but was forgiven by the nobility of the family. Prince Pronsky on this list is the only nobleman not connected with Moscow. He came from the family of the Grand Dukes of Ryazan. He was one of the few representatives of the nobility in the second militia, but was completely unknown to most of the members of the cathedral.

Thus, only two defendants in the boyar list - active participants in the struggle against the Poles in the ranks of the first and second militias, princes D. Trubetskoy and D. Pozharsky - could really claim the Russian throne.

At the insistence of representatives of the nobility, townspeople and peasants, it was decided: “Neither the Polish prince, nor the Swedish, nor other German faiths, and from any non-Orthodox states, should not be elected to the Moscow State and Marinkin’s son should not be wanted.”

Preparing for the council, the zemstvo authorities seemed to have foreseen everything. They tried to hedge against the nomination of new candidates. The Shuisky princes were defeated back in 1610, and, apparently, they were not taken into account. The head of another princely clan and pretender to the throne in 1610, the boyar Vasily Vasilyevich Golitsyn, was in Polish captivity, so the chances of his nephew Ivan Andreevich Golitsyn to ascend the royal throne, according to local orders, were illusory. Similarly, the authorities apparently tried to neutralize another possible 1610 candidate, Mikhail Romanov. His uncle, Ivan Nikitich Romanov, was included in the list of applicants. The inclusion of Prince Ivan Borisovich Cherkassky in this list blocked the path to the throne, Prince Dmitry Mikhailovich Cherkassky, who had compromised himself by betraying the Zemstvo cause.

About Mikhail Fedorovich Romanov

All candidates were distinguished by the antiquities of the family, but none of them had clear advantages for the throne. Why did the choice fall on Mikhail Romanov?
The researchers argue that, apparently, three circumstances played a decisive role in the choice of Mikhail. He was not involved in any adventure of the Time of Troubles, his reputation was pure. Therefore, his candidacy suited everyone. In addition, Mikhail was young, inexperienced, quiet and modest. Many of the boyars and nobles close to the court hoped that the tsar would be obedient to their will. Finally, the family ties of the Romanovs with the Rurikovichs were also taken into account, Mikhail was the cousin-nephew of the last tsar from the Rurik dynasty, Fyodor Ivanovich. In the eyes of contemporaries, these family ties meant a lot. They emphasized the "piety of the sovereign", the legitimacy of his accession to the throne. According to V. O. Kyuchevsky: “We wanted to choose not the most capable, but the most convenient. This is how the founder of a new dynasty appeared, putting an end to the Troubles.

For the first time, after the fall of Tsar Vasily Shuisky, in the summer of 1610, the name of the boyar son, as the only person worthy of the royal dignity, was named by Patriarch Hermogenes. But then the words of the Holy Shepherd were not heard. Now they have acquired the character of a great historical political action. The decision in favor of Mikhail Romanov turned out to be universal.

On March 14 (24 according to the new style), 1613, 16-year-old Mikhail Romanov agreed to accept the Russian kingdom, and was solemnly named sovereign. On July 11, 1613, his wedding to the kingdom took place in the Assumption Cathedral. Mikhail Romanov became the first tsar of the new dynasty, occupying the royal throne from 1613 to 1645. Under him, an amazing union was formed between the Priesthood and the Kingdom, which had no analogues either before or after. Under Mikhail Fedorovich, the functions of "kingdom" and "priesthood" were, as it were, harmonized in favor of the Church, when the spiritual shepherd played a decisive role in worldly affairs. The Romanov dynasty will rule Russia for more than three hundred years, until it ends tragically.

Naturally, over the 300 years of the reign of the Romanov dynasty, a mass of “reliable” justifications for the nationwide election of Michael and his outstanding role in ending the unrest in Russia appeared. But how did it really happen? Unfortunately, many documentary evidence of the election of Romanov to the kingdom were either destroyed or thoroughly edited. But, as they say, "manuscripts do not burn", some evidence has been preserved, and something can be read between the lines of official documents, for example, "The Tale of the Zemsky Sobor of 1613."

On the role of the Zemsky Sobor

In the view of the Russian people of that time, the ideal Orthodox tsar had to have three qualities: “love of God”, “reason in government” and military prowess. Mikhail Romanov, unlike his father, did not possess all the virtues of an Orthodox sovereign. He had no experience in state and military affairs. A sluggish, sickly young man grew up in constant fear for his life and the lives of his loved ones. He was distinguished by extraordinary piety and this strongly resembled his uncle, the last "born tsar" Fyodor Ivanovich. The organizers of the elections led the voters to the idea that it was enough to elect the “pious” nephew of Tsar Fyodor Ivanovich to the Russian throne, and God would grant peace to Russia, and the boyars would handle military and administrative affairs.

In the Time of Troubles twice before, the Russian land, at the zemstvo councils of 1598 and 1606, proclaimed the tsar and was twice mistaken. These failures cost too much, and everyone knew about it. In 1613, it was not about "choice", as some kind of mechanical procedure for obtaining the maximum number of votes by one or another applicant, but about establishing "worthiness". The debate at the Zemsky Sobor focused not on the question of “whom to elect,” but on the question of “who can be king in Russia,” in accordance with the concepts of power that existed at that time among the Russian people “of all the earth” ... Zemstvo people of 1613, having gathered to “rob” the Sovereign, they left the Lord God to “choose” the Tsar, waiting for the manifestation of this election in the fact that He would put in the heart of “all men a single thought and affirmation” about His Anointed One. The Lord sends a king to people, and sends them when they are worthy to earn His mercy. And the destiny of the earthly is to discern this providential gift and accept it with a prayer of thanksgiving.

Mikhail Fedorovich, accepting the royal crown, seemed to be doing a favor to the Zemstvo. The cathedral, which begged him to take responsibility for the fate of the state, for its part, undertook the obligation to restore order in the country: to stop civil strife, robberies and robberies, to create acceptable conditions for the exercise of sovereign functions, to fill the royal treasury with everything necessary for a worthy "everyday life" of the royal court and maintenance of the troops. Exactlythe active position of the Zemstvo compensated for the shortcomings of the government of Mikhail Fedorovich, staffed at the expense of his relatives and friends, of little use for governing the state in conditions of devastation and general anarchy. It must be said that the popularly elected Zemsky Sobor began to fulfill its obligations immediately.

Subsequent events showed that the choice was not the worst. And it’s even good that for many years Mikhail was only a nominal ruler, and the real power was in the hands of people with great life experience - first his mother, and then his father, Patriarch Filaret, who, upon his return from captivity, was officially proclaimed co-ruler of the king.

The gradual overcoming of the consequences of the Time of Troubles, the marriage of Michael and the birth of the heir to the throne created the conviction in the country that the new dynasty would be for a long time.

Conclusions and conclusion

Tired of the great disasters during the Time of Troubles, Russia needed stability in all spheres of life, primarily in the restoration of statehood. To do this, it was necessary to elect a sovereign who would suit all classes and groups. The participants in the Zemsky Sobor of 1613 understood this and managed to find a compromise option for the throne in the person of Mikhail Fedorovich Romanov.

President of our country Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin believes that the education of patriotism is one of the priorities of the state. Here is his statement: “We must build our future on a solid foundation. And that foundation is patriotism. No matter how long we discuss what can be a foundation, a solid moral foundation for our country, we still can’t think of anything else. This is respect for one’s history and traditions…”.

The Zemsky Sobor of 1613 is a vivid example of the fact that the ability to negotiate, to make the right decision is the first step that helps to restore the country, to raise it from its knees. This is true proof of the patriotism of our ancestors. In my opinion, it is this quality that many politicians and influential people of modern Russia lack.

Bibliography

1. A. A. Danilov, L. G. Kosulina. History of Russia (late XVI - XVIII). 7th grade. M.: Education, 2005.
2. T. V. Perevezentseva. History of Russia (a book for teachers). 7th grade. Moscow: Russian Word, 2012.
3. IN AND. Buganov. World of History (Russia in the 17th century). M .: Young Guard, 1989.
4. S. Perevezentsev. Russia. Great destiny. Moscow: Bely Gorod, 2006.
5. IN. Klyuchevsky. Russian history course. Mediabook, 2006.

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As part of the celebration of the 400th anniversary of the dynasty of the Russian Romanov tsars, an interschool scientific and practical conference was held in the Zaonezhsky village of Tolvuya on April 18, as reported in the April issue of the Kizhi newspaper. Today, continuing the series of publications dedicated to the anniversary date, we begin to acquaint readers with the best materials of the conference participants.

The election of Mikhail Fedorovich Romanov to the kingdom, according to the traditional point of view, put an end to the Time of Troubles and gave rise to the Romanov dynasty. People of that time believed (and not without reason) that in order to be sure of the future, one sovereign was needed, who would be a symbol of power. Therefore, the election of a new king concerned everyone and everyone.

* * *

The leadership of the Zemsky militia began preparing the electoral Zemsky Sobor immediately after the liberation of Moscow. A king was to be chosen. The Zemsky Sobor of the correct composition consisted of the Boyar Duma, the Consecrated Cathedral and representatives of the province. Some Russian lands could send only 10-15 people. Moscow was destroyed, and the only building that could accommodate everyone was the Assumption Cathedral of the Kremlin. The number of those gathered could be from 700 to 1500 people.

At the very beginning of 1613, elected representatives from all over the Russian land began to gather in Moscow. It was the first indisputably all-class Zemsky Sobor with the participation of townspeople and even rural inhabitants.

Representatives of the clergy, the boyars (in an extremely weakened composition), the nobility, merchants, urban townspeople and state peasants sat at the cathedral. But the most powerful group was the Cossacks. As an estate, it became especially strong during the Time of Troubles, when its composition was significantly replenished with representatives of the city Cossacks. These included those citizens who, during the Time of Troubles, abandoned their main occupations, formed militias, organized themselves in the manner of Cossack detachments and never returned to their previous profession.

The Zemsky Sobor began its work on January 6, 1613, on the Epiphany of the Lord. The first three days were dedicated to fasting and prayer. On the fourth day, the decision to elect foreign representatives to the Russian throne - the Polish and Swedish princes, was annulled, and the candidacy of the son of Marina Mnishek and False Dmitry II was also rejected. Following this, a list of eight Moscow boyars was announced, from which the tsar was to be elected.

The leaders of the Zemsky militia, apparently, had no doubt that the former members of the Seven Boyars - both those who served foreigners (Prince Fyodor Mstislavsky, Ivan Romanov) and those who refused to cooperate with them (Prince Ivan Vorotynsky, Fyodor Sheremetiev) - would be rejected by the members of the Zemsky Sobor, and made no mistake in their calculations. They were probably confident that in the current situation, militia candidates would receive significant advantages. In order not to scatter forces, it was decided to organize an action in support of the main candidate from the militias - Prince Dmitry Trubetskoy.

But none of the candidates proposed by the council won the necessary majority of votes, and the plan for the tsar's election, thought out to the smallest detail, failed. Immediately, new contenders for the throne began to appear and be rejected at the cathedral: Mikhail Romanov, Prince Dmitry Cherkassky, Prince Ivan Golitsyn, Prince Ivan Shuisky-Pugovka.

The course of the work of the cathedral was clearly out of control of its organizers. According to the established practice, under these conditions, the decision on the issue of the royal election inevitably had to be brought to the streets of Moscow, where the influence of the Cossack circle was strong. The winners - the Cossack-noble militia - could not agree for a long time: all candidates were swept aside. The nobles did not want to see Dmitry Trubetskoy on the throne, for although he was a prince, he commanded the Cossacks. The Cossacks did not want to have Prince Dmitry Pozharsky as a sovereign: after all, he was the leader of the noble militia. But there was another candidate - a quiet and completely colorless person, sixteen-year-old Mikhail Fedorovich Romanov.

* * *

Evidence has been preserved of the decisive influence of the Cossacks on the verdict of the Zemsky Sobor. On April 13, 1613, Swedish scouts reported from Moscow that the Cossacks had elected M. F. Romanov against the will of the boyars, forcing Trubetskoy and Pozharsky to agree to this candidacy after the siege of their yards. Jacques Margeret in 1613, in a letter to the English king James I, urging him to intervene, wrote that the Cossacks chose "this child" to manipulate him, and that most of Russian society would gladly meet the English army, because they lived in constant fear of Cossacks. The serf of the Novgorod nobleman F. Bobarykin, who fled to Novgorod from Moscow in June 1613, claimed that the tsar was chosen by "Moscow ordinary people and Cossacks" without general consent. Finally, the so-called "Chronograph" of Obolensky in the second half of the 17th century. mentions that the “glorious Don ataman” spoke out for the election of Mikhail Romanov at the cathedral.

Of course, the supporters of Mikhail Fedorovich Romanov were not only Cossacks. He was supported by an influential boyar group and a certain part of the nobility. The data of the Report on Estates and Estates of 1613, which recorded land grants made immediately after the election of the tsar, make it possible to identify the most active members of the Romanov entourage. In the first weeks of his reign, Mikhail Fedorovich granted estates in Vologda, Galich and Beloozero to an extensive "group of comrades": Sheremetevs, Golovins, Saltykovs, Prince Lobanov-Rostovsky, Prince Golitsyn, Prince Troekurov, Prince Pronsky, Prince Khilkov, Prince Yegupov-Cherkassky, Prince Lvov -Saltykov, Prince Mezetsky, Tatishchev, Trakhaniotov, Pleshcheev, Volynsky, Nagih, princes Repnin, Sumin, Tyumensky, Zvenigorodsky, Shcherbatov, Dmitriev, Selunsky, Shekhovsky, Begichev.

It is noteworthy that among those granted there is no uncle of the tsar - the boyar Ivan Nikitich Romanov, who was one of the main assistants to the head of the "seven boyars" Prince Mstislavsky, since in the initial period of the work of the cathedral, along with other seventh boyars, he was on a pilgrimage.

So, by February 25, elections were held and Mikhail Romanov was proclaimed the Russian Tsar. On the frontal place, the Cossack army swore allegiance to the new tsar. The legality of the vote itself has never been questioned. It is curious that V.O. Klyuchevsky later very accurately remarked about the elections: "We wanted to choose not the most capable, but the most convenient."

Letters announcing the election of Mikhail Romanov as tsar were sent to all parts of the country.

* * *

A special embassy was sent to Mikhail Romanov: ambassadors from the Zemsky Sobor, headed by the Archbishop of Ryazan Theodoret, the cellarer of the Trinity-Sergius Monastery Avraamy Palitsyn and the boyar Fyodor Ivanovich Sheremetev.

Actually, Romanov still had to be found, since the Cathedral did not have exact information about the place of his stay, so the embassy was ordered to go to "Yaroslavl or where he, sovereign, will be."

Mikhail and his mother were first in the family estate near Kostroma, where, according to legend, he was miraculously saved from the Poles through the efforts of Ivan Susanin, and then in the Ipatiev Monastery.

The embassy reached Kostroma by the evening of March 13th. The next day, at the head of the procession, it went to ask Michael to accept the kingdom. In reality, it was not him who had to ask, but his mother, nun Marfa, who then for several more years (until Filaret returned from Poland) made decisions for her son. A report from the embassy to Moscow has been preserved about how Mikhail was persuaded to accept the kingdom and with what doubts he made this decision.

On March 14, 1613, Russia had a legally elected tsar. Subsequent events showed that the choice was not the worst. And it’s even good that for many years Mikhail was only a nominal ruler, and the real power was in the hands of people with great life experience - first his mother, and then his father, Patriarch Filaret, who, upon his return from captivity, was officially proclaimed co-ruler of the king.

The gradual overcoming of the consequences of the Time of Troubles, the marriage of Michael and the birth of the heir to the throne created the conviction in the country that the new dynasty would be for a long time. And so it happened: the Romanov dynasty reigned for more than 300 years.

* * *

The election of the sovereign took place, and this was the beginning of calming the country. Mikhail Romanov had strong rivals, events unfolded unpredictably, and his chances of becoming Tsar were slim. However, the very election of Michael to the kingdom can hardly be regarded as an accident. His candidacy was announced by the boyars, then the Cossacks spoke for him, the clergy also supported him - thus, we can talk about the popular election of Mikhail Romanov to the Russian throne.

What did the other participants in the Zemsky Sobor get?

The nobility took care of the preservation of the estates received during the Troubles, and the final approval of the hereditary nature of their possessions.

The Cossacks agreed to the following conditions: the top of the Don Cossacks received the nobility and the right to autonomous control of their circle and the elected ataman (he was supposed to exercise military and civil power in this territory), and the policemen received money. The amnesty was received by the one who swore allegiance to the king. Some of the Don Cossacks who took part in the liberation movement went home after the election of Mikhail, others remained in Moscow. They formed the basis of the government armed forces. In addition to the Don Cossacks, there were detachments of service Cossacks, who during the Time of Troubles were very imbued with the independent spirit of the Donetsk people. The Cossacks had their own military organization and did not consider themselves part of the regular army. Separate groups of them, scattered throughout the country, did not want to obey the orders of even their own seniors in rank. When supplies were depleted, they robbed the population, which was very much like robbery.

But now Romanov himself had to agree to one more condition: to share power with the Zemsky Sobor. Now the Zemsky Sobor has become a permanent institution, meeting almost without interruption throughout the reign of Mikhail Romanov. All important decisions were developed with the participation of the Council and signed as follows: "according to the royal decree and the zemstvo verdict." The cathedral became the highest body of legislative power, without which the king could not adopt a single law and amend the legislation.

The cathedral shared with the king and executive power. The reason for this is that after the Time of Troubles it was impossible to immediately restore order and law without relying on the structures that were developed during the Time of Troubles.

Thus, the power of the new government was forced to be based not on force, but on popular support, primarily to restore order in the country.

* * *

The Boyar Duma remained part of the Zemsky Sobor, the highest body of government and central administration, but at the same time, some changes took place in the very composition of the Boyar Duma:

• the boyar party was discredited, its representatives were withdrawn from the Boyar Duma;
• Minin, Pozharsky, Cherkassky took the first roles in the Boyar Duma, and most of the posts were taken by roundabout and duma nobles.

The first composition of the new Duma included: 2 boyars, 5 rounders, 7 duma nobles, 4 duma clerks, and the Duma nobleman Minin was the most influential person in it. The range of issues considered by the Duma as a matter of priority was determined: issues of liquidating the remnants of the uncontrolled Cossacks; the destruction of Zarutsky and Mnishek; restoration of the national economy.

To resolve the first two issues, it was necessary to establish contact with the Cossacks. At this time, the Cossacks formed the basis of the government armed forces, in contrast to the nobility, whose position was undermined during the Time of Troubles. The Cossacks had their own military organization, they were not considered an integral part of the regular army, they did not obey anyone, and separate groups that were scattered throughout the country knew only one thing - robbery.

As a result, the Zemsky Sobor charged them with high treason. A special role in the elimination of uncontrolled Cossacks was played by local city authorities. They obeyed the verdict of the Zemsky Sobor, and the bandits were caught and executed. I. Zarutsky, M. Mniszek and her three-year-old son, "Vorenok Ivashka", were executed.

This is how the armed opposition to the new regime was eliminated.

Assuming the throne, the new king did not conclude any agreement with his subjects. This meant that the tsarist power again became unlimited, autocratic, as under the Rurik dynasty. But after the storms of the Time of Troubles, the country needed a strong one-man power for peace to come.

Thus began the three-hundred-year service of the Romanov dynasty for the benefit of Russia.

In preparing the material, the following literature was used: “The Romanovs. 300 years of service to Russia”, M.: ed. Bely Gorod, comp. Astakhov A.Yu.; I. Tyumentsev “Misha is young in mind, he didn’t reach ...”, Rodina magazine, No. 11, 2006; Klyuchevsky V.O. "Works", M., 1990

Maxim KASHEVAROV, 7th grade Tolvui secondary school