What is a cape of shares in ancient Rome. Battle of Cape Share

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ACTIUS (Accius) (Accius, 170 - ca. 80 BC), Roman tragedian 120 Let them hate, as long as they are afraid! // Oderunt, dum metuant. “Atreus”, tragedy (fragment) Favorite saying of Caligula (Suetonius, “Gaius Caligula”, 30, 1). ? Svet., p. 155.? “Let them hate, as long as they agree”

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Octavian won. The Battle of Cape Actium off the coast of Epirus was destined to become the last great naval battle of antiquity. It is generally accepted that it was on that day, September 2, 31 BC, that the fate of the Roman state was decided - the winner in the long-term struggle for sole power was the adopted (more precisely, adopted by will) son of Julius Caesar, Octavian, a few years later receiving the honorary title of Augustus, under which he went down in history.

According to ancient tradition, the decisive role during the battle of Actium was played by the unexpected betrayal on the part of the Egyptian queen Cleopatra, who, in the midst of the battle, left the fleet of her husband and patron Mark Antony and fled. Anthony himself rushed after the Egyptian squadron. His fleet, deprived of unified command as a result of this, was destroyed, and the land army surrendered to the winner a few days later.

The official version and unclear questions. It was this version of the final battle for power in Rome that dominated historical literature for a long time. However, there is reason to believe that the true picture of that grandiose historical drama was carefully and skillfully retouched: most ancient sources reflected only the point of view of the victors. On the other hand, it must be borne in mind that the official interpretation of the war between Antony and Octavian was developed by Octavian's headquarters for immediate use as a propaganda weapon.

It follows that gross distortion of facts can be excluded, because witnesses and participants in the war would have noticed this immediately. Therefore, there is no reason to doubt that on the day of the battle Cleopatra’s squadron really left the battlefield, Anthony did the same, his fleet was defeated, and the army capitulated. The question remains open about the reasons that prompted Octavian’s opponents to act in this way: after all, they had to understand that this would decide not only the outcome of the war, but also their personal fate.

Preparation of the parties. By the time hostilities began, both sides had conducted intensive propaganda, political and diplomatic preparations for the military campaign. It can be said without exaggeration that on all counts Octavian managed to beat Antony in this. A subtle calculation was even present in the fact that war on the part of Rome (that is, Octavian) was declared not on Antony, but on Cleopatra - for appropriating the “property of the Roman people.” This maneuver was undertaken to show that the civil wars were finally over, the new campaign against the foreign queen would have the character of an external war, and Octavian’s enmity with Antony had only the character of a private feud (inimicitia) between two Romans. At the same time, it was emphasized that Antony, having contacted Cleopatra, betrayed both the Romans and the cause of Caesar to please her, while Octavian protected not only the Caesarians, but also the entire Western civilization from the danger approaching it from the East.

Thus, Octavian’s headquarters was able to create an ideological basis for the fight against Anthony that suited the majority of Roman society, and the ruler of the Roman East was unable to counter his opponent’s propaganda with anything of equal value. Therefore, it is not surprising that Anthony’s party began to rapidly melt away with the outbreak of hostilities, and reprisals against those suspected of wanting to desert only accelerated this process.

The situation in Anthony's army is critical. By the end of the summer of 31 BC. Anthony, with his army and fleet concentrated in Epirus, found himself in a critical situation that required an immediate solution. His armed forces were disintegrating before his eyes: the Roman historian, assessing the situation from the point of view of Octavian’s supporters, stated: “No one ran from here to Anthony, from there to Caesar (i.e. Octavian) someone ran across every day.” The army had to be paid and paid generously, but Anthony no longer had this opportunity. Octavian's fleet landed troops at the most vulnerable points of enemy communications and managed to block Antony from the sea. The supplies in the latter’s camp were running low, which forced Anthony to convene a military council to discuss a plan for further action.

The council participants, Antony and Cleopatra himself and their senior military leaders, had to proceed from the indisputable fact that as a result of the actions of the enemy and Antony’s own mistakes, the need for a general battle practically disappeared: the war had already been lost in the East. Realizing this, the council participants, having discussed various options, ultimately accepted Cleopatra’s proposal to leave garrisons in the most important points of the Balkan provinces of Antonia, and for the fleet with part of the troops to break the blockade and continue the war in the East.

Octavian's fleet awaits the enemy. That same night, through defectors, this decision became known to Octavian. Absolutely confident that the main thing had already been done, at first he even intended to provide the enemy fleet with the opportunity to escape unhindered. But his headquarters, professional military men, dissuaded him from such a risky step, fearing that the enemy would retain too large forces and, as a consequence of this, the opportunity to continue resistance in the East. Thus, Octavian's fleet continued to cruise on the high seas, blocking the exit from the Ambracian Gulf. The sailors had a hard time: there was strong excitement at sea, which for four days in a row made it impossible to start a battle. Finally, by the morning of September 2, the wind died down and the sea became smooth as a mirror.

Antony prepares the fleet for battle. In preparation for battle, Anthony gave the order to burn some of the ships and equip only the most powerful ones for battle, from triremes to ships with ten rows of oars. On board, contrary to custom, it was ordered to take sails. 20 thousand legionnaires and 2 thousand archers were placed on the decks. They said that one commander of the cohort, a veteran, all cut up in countless battles under the command of Antony, saw him, burst into tears and said: “Ah, emperor, you no longer believe these scars and this sword and place all your hopes on treacherous logs and boards! Let the Egyptians and Phoenicians fight at sea, and give us the land on which we are accustomed to stand firmly with both feet, and either die or defeat the enemy! " Anthony did not answer and, calling on the old warrior to take courage with his eyes and a movement of his hand, he walked past.

Octavian's fleet was much larger in number than Antony's ships that were put on alert. Therefore, Anthony believed that the battle would begin with an attack by the enemy, and decided to adhere to strictly defensive tactics. He, “circling his ships in a boat, called on the warriors to fight confidently, as if on land, relying on the heavy weight of the ships, and punished the helmsmen, taking the blows of enemy rams, to keep the ships in place, as if they were anchored, and to beware of strong currents in the throat of the bay" (Plutarch). However, as time passed, the enemy, contrary to expectation, did not attack, and around noon a strong wind arose from the sea. Then the left wing of Antony's fleet moved forward.

The plans of Octavian and Antony. Octavian observed the enemy fleet from aboard the flagship trireme and was surprised at how motionless Antony's ships stood in the throat of the bay. He decided that they had dropped anchor and, suspecting some kind of trick, kept his battle line about eight furlongs from the enemy. When Antony's ships went forward, then, according to Plutarch, “Caesar was delighted and ordered the right wing to reverse in order to lure the enemy out of the bay even further, and then surround him and, with his well-equipped ships, hit the ships, which were made clumsy and clumsy by excessive heaviness and shortage of rowers."

Thus, Antony hoped to force the enemy into battle at the neck of the bay, where he could not use his numerical superiority, so that a breakthrough by the Antonians could become a reality. Octavian, on the contrary, planned to lure Antony's fleet into the open sea in order to surround it from the flanks. Since Octavian did not want to be the first to enter the battle, Antony could either return to the harbor (a clearly losing option) or accept the battle on the enemy’s terms, which was done.

The battle. On the high seas, Octavian's fleet had an excellent opportunity to use the numerical superiority and better maneuverability of their ships: their battle line pulled back and, once in the operational space, came into combat contact with the Antonians. According to the description of Plutarch, our main source, even in close combat “there were no ram strikes or holes, because Antony’s cargo ships could not gain acceleration, on which the strength of the ram mainly depends, and Caesar’s ships not only avoided head-on collisions, fearing the impenetrable copper plating of the bow, but did not dare to hit the sides, because the ram was breaking into pieces, bumping into the thick tetrahedral beams of the hull, connected with iron staples. The fight was like a land battle, or, more precisely, like a battle near fortress walls. Three, and or even four ships at once attacked one enemy ship, and siege canopies, throwing spears, spears and incendiary shells were used, and Anthony’s ships even fired from catapults installed in wooden towers.”

When Agrippa began to surround the enemy ships, the Antonian admiral Poplicola, undertaking a counter-maneuver, stretched his battle formation until a gap formed in it. Lucius Arruntius, commander of the left wing of Octavian's fleet, immediately took advantage of this to attack. The battle began to boil all along the battle line of both fleets, but in the center it was torn apart. Due to the fact that the position of the Antonians had become critical, it was at that moment that Anthony gave the prearranged signal - to make a breakthrough. But only Cleopatra’s squadron, which was in reserve and managed to slip through a gap (or gaps) in the combat formations of the combatants, could follow this command. Anthony's first ships were also able to break away from the enemy and go out to the open sea, raising their sails. Anthony, however, had to transfer to another ship: the flagship was too conspicuous a target and was eventually captured by the enemy.

The breakthrough plan fails. But then the breakthrough plan began to crumble before our eyes. The remaining ships of the first line should have immediately followed Anthony, but only a few of them were able to break through - the enemy's numerical superiority was too great. About 40 of Antony's ships were lost in the battle, and the rest were driven back into the bay and blocked there. In the morning they had to surrender.

Flight of Antony and Cleopatra. The surviving ships reached Cape Tenar in the Peloponnese three days later. Then Antony and Cleopatra apparently believed that they had lost the battle, but not the war. However, a few days later, a message arrived about the surrender of the land army, which, according to Anthony’s order, was supposed to retreat to Macedonia. Anthony and Cleopatra could only flee to Egypt, where almost a year later they met death.

The meaning of the battle. If we evaluate the significance of the Battle of Actium, it must be emphasized that Antony lost it long before it began. Realizing this, the Antonians decided to break through to the East and continue the war there. The plan was partially successful, but the expectation of continuing the war turned out to be deeply mistaken. Thus, the battle of Actium meant the final triumph of Octavian's party and the bankruptcy of Antony's policy.

Results of the civil war. In general, the Second Civil War in Rome went on intermittently for almost two decades (49-30 BC), ended with the fall of the republican system and the establishment of a monarchy, although in the specific Roman form of the principate, when all republican institutions were preserved and continued to function , and the ruler, whose power was of a military nature, who therefore bore the title of emperor, was considered a princeps in relation to the civilian population, i.e. first among his equals in dignity (meaning senators).

Near Cape Actium on the border of Greece and Epirus

It was at this moment that something no one expected happened. Cleopatra, instead of bringing her 60 light ships into battle, turned south and left the battle with a fair wind. Mark Antony, having learned about this, switched from the flagship to a fast pentera and caught up with the queen. After the commanders-in-chief fled, the battle continued for several more hours. Some ships threw heavy missiles overboard in an attempt to escape, but the main forces held out until the end. Agrippa used massive amounts of incendiary shells and only a few of Antony’s ships managed to escape back into the bay, only to then surrender to the victorious Octavian. Octavian himself spent the naval battle in his cabin, severely suffering from seasickness.

According to legend, Mark Antony sat in prostration for four days on the bow of the ship. Only in the Peloponnese did he share a bed with Cleopatra. On the shore, Anthony began to send orders to the troops, but it was too late.

The ground army held out for another seven days. Despite the already obvious fact of escape, the soldiers continued to believe that Mark Antony would return and lead them into battle. It all ended only after its commander, Canidius Crassus, left the army. Then 19 of Antony's legions joined Octavian's army.

Modern researchers are trying to rationally explain the behavior of Mark Antony and Cleopatra in this battle, since it is clear that most of the information about the battle belongs to the supporters of the victorious Octavian Augustus, and it was they who formed such an unattractive image of a traitor who abandoned his loyal army because of his mistress. A version was put forward that Mark Antony and Cleopatra from the very beginning planned to withdraw only part of the fleet, since fresh legions were waiting for them in Egypt. Another version is that after the formation was broken, the ships of the left flank returned to the bay, but the right flank was unable to do so because of Cleopatra’s ships and surrendered. Realizing that the battle was lost, Cleopatra broke through with her ships, and Mark Antony went after her. The fact that the soldiers of the army of Mark Antony did not suffer from persecution and received almost all the privileges that were given to the soldiers of Octavian, as well as the fact that the numbers of the legions that previously belonged to Antony were retained in the army of the new emperor, is sometimes considered to be a consequence of preliminary agreements with the soldiers.

September 2, 31 BC Octavian, or rather his admiral Agrippa, completely defeated the fleet of Mark Antony, effectively deciding the outcome of the civil war. During the middle battle, Cleopatra, along with 60 Egyptian ships, left the battle with a fair wind and rushed south. Anthony rushed after her on a light penther. Ancient authors attribute Cleopatra's flight to feminine timidity and deceit, and Antony's flight to a fit of insane and shameful passion. They cannot explain it any other way, since they write from the words of Octavian himself and his official historians. This explanation fits well with the caricatured images of the “Egyptian fury” and the “madman in love” created by Octavian propaganda even before the start of the war. However, this version, which has been repeated by poets and many history textbooks for many centuries, can hardly be considered acceptable. If there is nothing implausible in the flight of the frightened queen, then it is difficult to believe that an experienced general and politician left the army to catch up with his mistress who betrayed him. Modern historians offer various alternative explanations. The most plausible version seems to me to be the one first proposed in the 19th century by J. de la Gravière, according to which the escape was pre-planned by Anthony. It not only sounds more natural, but is also confirmed by an analysis of the situation before the battle and Anthony's preparations known to us. To understand the arguments in favor of this version, we need to go back a few months and analyze the position of Antony’s army on the eve of the battle.

Balance of power before the start of the war

Agrippa's actions were very risky, but surprisingly successful. In early March, when the navigation season was just beginning, and Anthony’s troops were still holed up in winter quarters, he and most of the fleet crossed the sea and, with an unexpected blow, occupied the considered impregnable port of Methona in Messenia, in the southwest of the Peloponnese. In the 15th century, the Venetians defended Methona from the Turks for 40 years. Agrippa took it in a few days. With this victory the situation immediately changed. Agrippa received an excellent base for attacks on other ports of Antony, who had to use almost his entire fleet to guard the coast. This allowed Agrippa to almost completely interrupt the supply of grain from Egypt to Greece. Anthony's army began to have food problems. Meanwhile, the tireless Agrippa captured the islands, strengthening control over sea communications.

Agrippa convinced Octavian to cross with the army to Epirus, which, in view of the proximity of a significant enemy fleet, seemed a very risky undertaking. However, Antony's naval patrols did not detect the crossing army because there were no patrols. All ships were busy guarding the coast and trying to organize grain supplies from Egypt.

Octavian landed a 75,000-strong army in the area of ​​Thorin ("The Stirrer") - just 20 miles from Actium - the main base of Octavian's army and navy. Cleopatra joked: “Let him sit on the stirrer.” But Anthony was no longer in the mood for jokes. He hurried to the army, which was now cut off from communications not only by sea, but also by land. The only source of food was the already exhausted local population. In addition, a malaria epidemic began in the army. Now time was working against Anthony. Feeling where the wind was blowing, many began to run over to Octavian’s side. Among them, for example, was the consul Domitius Ahenobarbus. Discontent grew among the client kings and their troops.

In early August, Anthony attempted to break the blockade. Agrippa successfully prevented all attempts to break through by sea. Then Antony tried a cavalry attack on Octavine's position. But it failed because... the king of Galatia used it to go over to Octavian’s side along with 2000 Galatian horsemen.

Before the battle

It was necessary to organize another breakthrough. Anthony convened a council of war. At this council, Canidius, the commander of the ground forces, made a big speech. He spoke of the plight of the navy, which had become a burden to the army; while the enemy fleet, on the contrary, is well equipped and manned, and Octavian’s sailors have extensive combat experience. But on land, Anthony has a numerical superiority (100 thousand versus 75 thousand). Canidius proposed burning the fleet, retreating into the depths of Macedonia and Thrace and fighting a decisive battle there. Cleopatra sharply objected to Canidius. She indicated that with the loss of the fleet, communication with the main supply base - Egypt - would be interrupted. Even having won a victory on land, Anthony would be unable to either cross over to Italy or retreat to Egypt. He is often accused of simply following his mistress’s lead. We will never know what would have happened if Antony had chosen the ground operation. But his chances in this case, in my opinion, were not very high. A good analysis of this option is given in Chapter V of Alfred Stenzel's book "History of Wars at Sea". On the contrary, if he managed to lead the fleet out of the trap, then all worries about food would disappear for him and he would, in turn, have the opportunity to complicate the supply of the enemy. In addition, it is very likely that Anthony was not confident in the reliability of his ground army. The choice of sea battle looks, in my opinion, a very rational decision.

Preparing for battle

Due to desertion and malaria, Anthony experienced a great shortage of sailors. Especially the rowers. He could barely man a little more than half of his ships. He ordered the rest to be burned. According to Alfred Stenzel, this decision should be considered a mistake, since his own soldiers could only understand this as an admission that he himself no longer hoped for victory and preferred to burn the ships that he could not use in battle, so as not to give them to the enemy. It would have been better to give the ships to Octavian, but to maintain the morale of the army before the battle.

In those days, warships usually went into battle leaving their sails on the shore. The battle was still fought with oars, and heavy sails only reduced the maneuverability of the ships. However, Anthony ordered the sails to be loaded, explaining this by the need to pursue the defeated enemy after the battle. Not a plausible explanation!

In my opinion, the decision to burn some of the ships and take the sails on board clearly indicates that from the very beginning Anthony was striving not for victory, but for a breakthrough.

Battle

The state of the sources makes it difficult to restore the true picture of the Battle of Actium, and it is therefore not surprising that in special studies even the nature of the battle is defined differently. The following picture, developed by I. Kromayer, seems to me the most plausible:

The battle was planned by Anthony in the form of a breakthrough of his fleet with legionnaires boarded on ships (20 thousand legionnaires and 2 thousand archers were taken on board). Octavian's fleet was much larger than Antony's and consisted of much smaller but more mobile ships. Agrippa planned to attack the enemy by surrounding his large ships with a group of his own small ones ("wolf pack" tactics). Therefore, Anthony gave the order for the ships to remain in close formation, without leaving the Ambracian Gulf, and to adhere to strictly defensive tactics. However, the enemy did not attack, the waiting became aimless, and the left wing of Antony's fleet moved forward. The right flank of Octavian's battle line pulled back to lure the enemy out of the narrow throat of the bay and gain the opportunity to use its numerical superiority, and in the operational space came into combat contact with the Antonians. In close combat, all the advantages were on the side of Octavian's experienced sailors, who had lighter and more maneuverable ships. When Agrippa began to surround the enemy ships, the Antonian admiral Poplicola, undertaking a counter-maneuver, stretched his battle formation until a gap formed in it. L. Arruntius, commander of the left wing of Octavian's fleet, immediately took advantage of this to attack. The position of the Antonians became critical. It was at this moment that Anthony decided to save what was still possible. He gave a prearranged signal, which Cleopatra followed first. Her squadron, consisting of fast, but not very combat-ready ships, on which there were almost no legionnaires, but the entire treasury of Anthony was placed in advance, was in reserve. She managed to slip through a gap in the battle formations of the combatants. Few were able to follow her example - most of Antony's ships that were drawn into the battle (including the flagship) died or were captured.

Sources
Plutarch