Congresses of People's Deputies of the USSR. 1st Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR Convocation of the 1st Congress of People's Deputies

By the way, these days it would be quite possible to celebrate one event that happened 25 years ago, which in many ways in the following years decided the fate of the entire post-Soviet space, and changed us in many ways. But it’s somehow quiet on our radio and TV.

But if you look back a quarter of a century, from the height of the years you have lived, you can already say with confidence that then everything ended not in 1991, but in the early summer of 1989...

Late 80s. The country lived in hope for the best and in anticipation of freedom. In June-July 1988, at its 19th conference, the CPSU nevertheless announced a course for political reform. And on December 1, 1988, the USSR Law “On Elections of People’s Deputies of the USSR” was adopted, which took place in the spring of 1989. These were the first democratic alternative elections in the history of the Union.

Live broadcasts from the 1st Congress eclipsed the entire information space on 1/6 of the landmass. The voices of people's deputies did not sound then except from the gas burner. Shops, workshops, ateliers from May 25 to June 9 were configured for one program. Working under a parliamentary background was in the order of things. Well, where there was no TV, they turned on the radio. Then it even seemed that radio had won the competitive battle against TV for the first time. It was one thing when motorists in the car turned on the full power of meetings from the Kremlin Palace of Congresses. But when a young and striking girl in heels walked down the street with a small transistor under her arm...

I remember there was a saying like this:

All the people do not sleep, do not eat,
CONGRESS is watching on TV!

Mikhail Gorbachev interrupts Academician Sakharov:

Boris Yeltsin:

By the way, at the same time, another hot topic for the people was being vigorously discussed in society - a new and terrible disease for humans, AIDS. Therefore, along with the congress, another pun was circulating among the people:

All the people do not eat, do not sleep,
Being tested for AIDS!

Today, for some reason, it’s no longer funny.
Oh, now we wish we had that spirit, desire and spirit of freedom in our modern State Duma... But somehow everything quickly turned out to be emasculated in 25 years.

May 25, 1989 - the first Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR began its work. What did this event mean for a huge, powerful multinational country? These were the first breaths of freedom in a state where one political party single-handedly dominated. Relatively little time has passed, by the standards of historical chronology, but even now it is clear how unique and unprecedented this new milestone in the country’s political life was.

The Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR did not go flawlessly: there were many pitfalls. It should be noted that for the first time attempts were made to replace the outdated model of the political structure of a superpower. The feeling of crisis pushed the country's leadership to look for new alternative solutions. This article is devoted to how this happened.

Need for reforms

The need for reform in society was obvious. Under the leadership of Brezhnev, who approved the policy of “stability,” the moment for a painless transition to new social relations was missed. At the end of the seventies, the western and eastern neighbors moved to the stage of scientific and technological revolution, the main feature of which was the introduction of various high-tech technologies.

Soviet enterprise managers, characterized by their limited horizons, did not want to rebuild. It's easier to leave everything the same. Entire industries needed modernization. Production costs were enormous, hence their inefficiency. Plus, the economy was maximally militarized. Over 20% of the state budget went to the defense industry.

Only changes could change the boring way of life for everyone. They could only start from the top. Until this time, the existing repressive apparatus had effectively suppressed the brewing discontent of the popular masses, but this could not last long. Therefore, changes were expected in society and were ready to support them.

The hopes of finding a consensus were pinned by the USSR authorities on the Congress of People's Deputies. But they still had to be chosen. It is necessary to mention the special powers that were vested in the updated composition of representatives of the highest authorities, because to create it all the necessary changes were made to the then existing constitution of the RSFSR.

New political configuration

At the time of the creation of the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, Gorbachev had already carried out a partial modernization of the structure of governing bodies. Constitutional changes in 1989 gave this assembly of deputies expanded powers and unlimited power. Various important issues fell under their competence: from the right to edit the main law of the country - the constitution, to the approval of government decisions, as well as the election of the Supreme Council. At that time, it played the role of parliament, simultaneously carrying out three classical management functions. In a word, the Chairman of the Supreme Council was the head of state.

The convening of the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR was held twice a year. And the Council, elected by the participants, worked on an ongoing basis, which was updated annually by 20% to improve activity.

March elections

It cannot be said that politics was among the highest priorities of the ordinary ordinary Soviet citizen. The party led everyone to a “bright future.” 99.9% of the population supported the government’s decisions, continuing to go about their business, realizing that they were not solving anything.

Everything changed with the elections of the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, held on March 26, 1989. For the first time, an alternative candidate option was provided. Various election programs were discussed with great interest and bitterness. Candidates met with voters and publicly debated with their opponents.

All these innovations spurred the initiative of citizens in the sphere of political life of the country. But it wasn’t just ordinary citizens who were surprised. The time has come for some high-ranking party functionaries to be surprised and saddened. Their expectations were not met: the people did not choose them. The election campaign was quite dynamic. In some regions, even a second round was needed.

The fact that the director of ZIL Brakov was chosen against the increasingly popular B.N. Yeltsin can be considered a personal failure of M. S. Gorbachev. All the efforts made by the Moscow city committee were clearly insufficient. Yeltsin easily crushed his opponent, gaining almost 90% of the vote.

Academician Sakharov presented another slap in the face and additional food for thought. He agreed to become a people's deputy, but only from his dear Academy of Sciences. The day before, the leadership of this institution rejected his candidacy, although it was supported by 60 different institutions. After the rallies and unrest, the liberal Sakharov is still nominated.

The election results were an “icy shower” for the Politburo. Now even the most ardent optimists understood that this was a failure. People don't trust them anymore. All ordinary citizens froze in front of their television screens with the hope that the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR would begin the necessary transformations.

Congress participants

The totalitarian system called elections. As Gorbachev admits in his memoirs, representatives of the CPSU were allocated 100 seats. This was done with the aim of preventing some people who did not want changes from working. According to Gorbachev, this made it possible to nominate the most influential democratic figures to the deputy corps.

Based on his words, the work of the 1st Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR was thus decided to be protected from the influence of the all-powerful Communist Party. In reality, everything turned out to be completely different. You can verify this by reading the list of participants.

The First Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR was formed from three parts. The first 750 representatives were delegated from territorial constituencies, which nominated their candidates on the basis of universal suffrage. National-territorial districts sent another 750 of their representatives. The most interesting in this motley audience were members of various public organizations. They were also allocated 750 places.

In the Soviet Union, the life of all public associations and organizations was controlled by the CPSU. Therefore, to add mass appeal to the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, they brought together not only cultural figures and journalists, but also representatives of the film community, the “struggle for sobriety”, philatelists, etc. Although much more numerous informal organizations began to appear among the political elites of that time. But for obvious reasons, they were not allowed to participate in the work of the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR.

Passions are heating up

In the republics of the USSR, the election campaign added fuel to the boiling cauldron of interethnic relations. The reluctance to be friends with the fraternal republics was so great that sometimes the slightest provocation was enough to grab each other’s throats. The emergence of nationalist sentiments in various parts of the once mighty power promised to erupt into the fire of various local conflicts.

So far, only bayonets were holding them back from disintegration, but it was clear to everyone: the situation was only getting worse. In April 1989, a blatant case of inhumane treatment of the demands of civilians in Tbilisi occurred. The Georgians demanded that their republic leave the Union on conditions of complete independence. Before this, an incident took place in the outback of Abkhazia: local government declared sovereignty (not wanting to submit to Georgia).

The spontaneous peaceful rally, where no attempts were made to seize power, was dispersed. And they did it with savage cruelty. Paratroopers armed with sapper shovels attacked the protesters. For a very long time they could not find the culprits who gave this criminal order. Representatives of the Communist Party cowardly shifted the blame onto each other. The prestige of the ruling party was undermined.

In the fifteen days before the start of the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, a completely new phenomenon in the life of Soviet society appeared - the strike movement. It began among miners, who sought greater economic independence for their enterprises, and the granting of broad powers to local governments. No politics. The only thing the workers sought was a solution to pressing issues that would help the industry develop.

Ryzhkov's government satisfied their demands. And then clashes began in other sectors of the economy. People saw that results can be achieved. And after various opposition movements joined the leaders of the strike movement, their victory was ensured, expressed in the promotion of candidates for seats in regional and state government bodies.

In a word, by the beginning of the work of the first Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, the situation in the country could hardly be called calm. Society was torn apart by numerous socio-economic contradictions, but there was still hope for a peaceful resolution of the accumulated problems.

Opening of the Congress

The date of the 1st Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR is 05/25/1989. Such a meeting has never happened before in the entire history of the CPSU. Deputy Tolpezhnikov proposed to honor the memory of the victims of those killed in Tbilisi with a minute of silence. It was immediately obvious: it would not be possible to keep quiet, hide, or get away with empty chatter behind vague formulations. For the first time, the best sons and daughters of the USSR got the floor to talk “about painful issues.”

All that remained was to be surprised at the series of events that took place. Among the most striking episodes, it is worth mentioning Obolensky’s self-nomination for the post of head of the Council and presentation of Sakharov’s alternative agenda.

Describing the work of the 1st Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, the British Sunday Times noted that millions of Soviet citizens greedily read the transcripts of the meetings. Work has practically stopped, debates, arguments, discussions on the street. Russians are demanding even more radical reforms. The enthusiasm is off the charts.

Particular attention was paid to the issue of interethnic relations. There were even proposals to conclude a reformed treaty of alliance between the republics. It was necessary to understand the situation with the tragedy, so a special commission was created. It was headed by one of the most competent deputies, A. A. Sobchak. It was he who gave all the necessary advice on legal issues at the congress.

The commission decided to send General Radionov to carry out reprisals against dissent among civilians in Tbilisi. The decision was made by the leadership of the Central Committee, chaired by Ligachev. This was a criminal order, because such issues should have been resolved by government agencies.

Obedient-aggressive majority

The First Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR took place in conditions of a long-overdue crisis, a tough confrontation with the dictatorship of one political party that was boring to everyone. Therefore, one of the proposals was to abolish Article 6 of the current Constitution. This article secured the supremacy of the Communist Party. Academician Sakharov proposed including a discussion of this issue on the agenda.

M. S. Gorbachev was only in words ready for dialogue. In fact, in the best traditions of the Politburo, he interrupted the deputies with his inappropriate remarks, intrigued, and from everything it was clear that his feigned goodwill was just a mask of a man from whose hands power was slipping. But he didn’t want to lose her. It’s just that he didn’t have enough opportunities to keep her - he had neither authority nor great desire.

At the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR it was clear that there were two camps. The first, sparing no effort, offer completely reasonable solutions. And most importantly - a concrete action plan to overcome the economic crisis; these people were heroes in the eyes of the public. And the latter, according to the apt definition of Rector Afanasyev, were the “obedient-aggressive majority” voting on the proposal of the Presidium.

The Liberals were unable to push through their proposals and needed to regroup to continue the fight. After the congress they form an Interregional Deputy Group.

Main item on the agenda

On December 12, 1989, the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR met for the second time. The opposition, represented by the MDG, was determined. On the eve of this significant meeting, they proposed organizing a warning strike. The stakes were high: Yeltsin, Afanasyev and other associates intended to do everything possible to be heard. Last time, their initiative to abolish Article 6 was not even included on the agenda. Gorbachev did everything possible and impossible to make this happen, reaching an agreement with the deputies.

The 2nd Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR was held against the backdrop of an even worsening economic crisis. It was clear to everyone: the country was on the verge of enormous upheaval. Work began briskly from the first minutes. There were two issues on the agenda. One of them was devoted to planning measures to restore the economy, and the second was about recognizing the powers of deputies. An initiative was voiced to include the most pressing moment of this meeting - the abolition of Article 6. A proposal was made to include it as item 3 on the agenda.

At first, the Congress refused to include this issue on the agenda. This disappointed not only democratically minded deputies. Polls showed that the majority of the Soviet population were extremely disappointed in the CPSU. Therefore, one of the main demands of the strikers and dissenters was the abolition of the ill-fated Article 6. The “leading role of the forefather party” was subjected to such sharp criticism that the Khrushchev scenario of loss of power was quite likely.

The end of communist hegemony

The “friendship” of the Soviet peoples began to manifest itself in all its glory at the turn of 1989-1990. Uzbekistan, bloody massacre of Armenians in Baku, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan. Only thanks to the deployment of troops was it possible to avoid more massive casualties. In Moscow itself, various moods were also seething. A massive, well-organized rally of over 200,000 people demonstrated that ignoring the people's demands for major changes to the Constitution is no longer possible.

M. S. Gorbachev feverishly looked for ways to choose the “lesser evil” in the current situation, but he was even more concerned about maintaining personal power. He proposes to create the post of President of the USSR and abolish Article 6. In this case, the party leadership still had at least formal levers of pressure on him and preservation of the system. Representatives of the CPSU expressed their agreement with this scenario.

The Extraordinary 3rd Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, held on March 12-16, 1990, put an end to the uncontrolled individual power of one party within the country. From now on, the CPSU forever lost its leading role.

In return, Gorbachev received the opportunity to become the first and last President of the USSR. His ratings were falling across the country, while his main competitor, Yeltsin, was only increasing. Therefore, in order to maintain power, Mikhail Sergeevich preferred not to be elected as a result of popular elections. This only confirmed the precariousness of his position.

4th Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR

This 1990 meeting once again proved that the collapse of the most powerful empire is only a matter of time and is irreversible. After the 3rd Congress, Lithuania went into free swimming. And representatives of the Supreme Council tried to put on a good face despite a bad game, declaring that there was no possibility for the republics to demonstrate independence and self-determination until the total number of votes of the entire population of the USSR was counted.

The time has come for decisive action. The largest republic of the RSFSR adopted its budget. Yeltsin significantly reduced funding for the center. The slow but sure collapse of the defense industry and space programs began. And most importantly, this was the choice that Russia made on the path to gaining its own independence.

The highest body of state power in 1989-1991, headed the unified system of representative authorities in the Soviet Union (see UNION OF SOVIET SOCIALIST REPUBLICS). In total, five Congresses of People's Deputies of the USSR were convened. The decision about... encyclopedic Dictionary

The highest body of state power in 1989 1991, heading the unified system of representative authorities in the country. Five Congresses of People's Deputies of the USSR were convened. Political science: Dictionary reference book. comp. Prof. Science Sanzharevsky... ... Political science. Dictionary.

The highest body of state power of the USSR, established as part of the constitutional reform on December 1, 1988. Elections took place in March 1989. Officially functioned until the USSR ceased to exist in December 1991. S.N.D.USSR was supposed to... ... Encyclopedia of Lawyer

CONGRESS OF PEOPLE'S DEPUTIES OF THE USSR- the highest body of state power of the USSR, established during the constitutional reform on December 1, 1988. Elections took place in March 1989. Officially functioned until the collapse of the USSR in December 1991. Simultaneously with the establishment ... Encyclopedic Dictionary of Constitutional Law

I Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR ... Wikipedia

Held on March 12-24, 1990. Major decisions Introduction of the post of President of the USSR and his election. Elections of the Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. Amendments to the Constitution that abolished the one-party system in the USSR In the spring of 1990, M. S. Gorbachev was ... ... Wikipedia

Held on December 12-December 24, 1989. At it, the radical minority, which after the death of Sakharov’s Congress was headed by Yeltsin, demanded the abolition of Article 6 of the USSR Constitution, which stated that “the CPSU is the leading and directing... ... Wikipedia

History of Russia ... Wikipedia

The highest body of state power in the USSR (1989 1991), Russia (1990 1993), Dagestan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (1990 1994). Proposal for the creation of a “two-story” system for the formation of the highest bodies of Soviet power (Congress of the Supreme Soviet) in the USSR, its allied and ... Wikipedia

Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation ... Wikipedia

Books

• First Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR. Verbatim report (set of 6 books), . The verbatim report of the first Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR is published in six volumes. Volumes I-III contain transcripts of speeches by people's deputies of the USSR at meetings of the Congress, resolutions and...
• Extraordinary Fifth Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR. The Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR was the highest body of state power of the USSR in 1988-1991. The Extraordinary Fifth Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR was held from September 2 to 5, 1991 - during the period when...
• Extraordinary Fifth Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR (September 2–5, 1991). Verbatim report, Missing. The Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR was the highest body of state power of the USSR in 1988–1991. The Extraordinary Fifth Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR was held from September 2 to 5, 1991 - during the period when...

From May 25 to June 9, 1989, the whole country literally froze in front of their televisions, afraid to miss for a minute the live broadcast of the meetings of the First Congress of People's Deputies. People saw with their own eyes that events, contrary to ten years of practice, were not developing according to the script written in the Central Committee. Immediately after the official opening of the congress, the unknown Riga deputy V.F. Tolpezhnikov came to the podium and proposed to honor the memory of the demonstrators shot in Tbilisi. For the first time, people saw truly people's deputies who wanted to solve exactly those issues that worried the whole country: to assess the Afghan war, to understand the causes and find a way out of the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh, to make public documents related to the conclusion of the Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact. The congress formed the first permanently working parliament in history - the bicameral Supreme Soviet of the USSR, elected Gorbachev as Chairman of the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Council, and decided on the need to develop a new constitution. But at the same time, everyone saw how truly important decisions were literally “bogged down” in procedural issues, how Gorbachev more and more often pulled deputies back and tried to impose his point of view on them. The logical consequence of this was the emergence "constructive political opposition", which, after the end of the congress at the end of June 1989, finally took shape in Interregional Deputy Group (MDG). Its co-chairs were Yu.N. Afanasyev, B.N. Yeltsin, V.A. Palm, G.H. Popov, A.D. Sakharov.

During the two weeks of the congress, progress was made at an exceptionally fast pace. the process of radicalization of the consciousness of the entire society, its polarization. This manifested itself in a new phenomenon for Soviet life - strike movement, which in the summer of 1989 covered almost all the coal basins of the USSR. Miners of Kuzbass, Donbass, Karaganda and Vorkuta demanded broad economic independence of enterprises and real powers for local authorities. At first, the miners’ plans did not include any “sharp movements” in relation to party bodies or putting forward political demands. After Ryzhkov’s government satisfied the economic demands of the workers, the strike movement spread to other industries, healthcare institutions and the socio-cultural sphere. Political demands became more and more frequent, and by the spring of 1990, they became the main ones. The political opposition, the core of which remained the MDG, managed to establish contact with the miners and other leaders of the strike movement, which allowed them to win a decisive victory in the elections to the republican and local councils in the spring of 1990.

The crisis of confidence in Gorbachev and his course, which did not correspond to the new situation, was rapidly growing. Essentially, by the end of 1989, only the Supreme Council enjoyed people's trust. At the Second Congress of People's Deputies, which took place in December 1989, the MDG unsuccessfully tried to include on the agenda the issue of repealing Article 6 of the Constitution. It was this topic that was devoted to the last speech at the congress of Academician Sakharov, who died in December 1989.

Meanwhile, the situation was changing rapidly. In 1989-1990 Almost all countries of Eastern Europe are experiencing so-called “velvet revolutions”, as a result of which power peacefully passes from the communists to their political opponents. Internal and external factors also influence the mood within the CPSU, within which the Democratic platform. At the initial stage, its leadership included some members of the MDG - Afanasyev, Yeltsin, Popov. The democratic platform was focused on revising the dogmatic guidelines of the party program, abolishing the principle of democratic centralism, and changing attitudes towards market mechanisms in a socialist economy. In the spring of 1990, during elections to republican and local councils, the demand for the abolition of Article 6 of the Constitution became the core of political discussions and received mass support at rallies. Discussion of the CPSU monopoly on power led to the complete discrediting of the party among wide sections of society, turning it into a kind of “concentrated evil” that rested solely on force in the past and had no prospects for the future. Belonging to a party, an unconditionally positive fact just yesterday, in a fairly short period turns into a sharply negative aspect of a personal biography, and any connection with party structures deprives candidates of all chances of success. In this situation, the Plenum of the Central Committee, held in February 1990, decided to abandon the party’s monopoly on power and further fight for the support of voters within the framework of a multi-party system. At the extraordinary Third Congress of People’s Deputies in March 1990, Article 6 of the Soviet Constitution was abolished .

The main issue of the Third Congress was the establishment of a post The President of the USSR, who was now seen as the central institution in the political system. According to the Constitution, the President of the USSR was endowed with broad powers, and his elections were to be nationwide. Against the backdrop of a crisis of public confidence in Gorbachev personally, in the party as a whole, the only way for him to “stay afloat” is to obtain the presidential post. Therefore, “procedural issues” were resolved in such a way that the election of the first President of the USSR took place directly at the congress on March 15, 1990. Gorbachev was the only candidate and received 60% of the votes of people's deputies. At the same time, from the point of view of legitimacy, the election of the President at the congress, and not by popular vote, made Gorbachev’s position not quite durable.

In order to preserve the political foundations of the state, it was decided to change the structure of power and return it to “Leninist ideals.” In June-July 1988, a decision was made to create a two-tier system of power:

1) Congress of People's Deputies of 2250 people;

2) elected by the Congress and renewed every year by 1/5 of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR (554 people). (

1st People's Congress dep. USSR– May-June 1989 (Elected President of the USSR Supreme Council – M.S. Gorbachev; President of the Council of Min. – N.I. Ryzhkov; for the first time, the official opposition of “interregionalists” arose, for the first time daily broadcast of all meetings).

2 People's Congress dep. USSR– November 1989 (political propaganda decisions: there was an open skirmish between Ak. Sakharov and M.S. Gorbachev, the 1939 pact with Germany was condemned, the XIII Five-Year Plan plan was discussed but never adopted, the entry of troops into Afghanistan was condemned) .

3rd Extraordinary Congress of the People. dep. USSR– March 1990 (abandoned Article 6 of the Constitution, elected M.S. Gobachev as the first President of the USSR, refused to recognize Lithuania’s secession from the USSR).

4 People's Congress dep. USSR– December 1990. At the congress, the question of M.S. Gorbachev’s resignation was raised for the first time. It is noteworthy that this question was formulated by a representative of the CPSU. However, soon the Supreme Council granted M.S. Gorbachev emergency powers.

The last Congress of the CPSU - XXVIII, July 1990. At the congress, Yeltsin, Popov, and Sobchak left the party. By the end of 1990, the CPSU had shrunk by a third. The number of party members dropped to 15 million. M.S. Gorbachev proposed creating a Union of Northern States.

Parade of sovereignties.

The process of collapse of the USSR began with the beginning of the process of collapse of the CPSU. In 1989, the Lithuanian Communist Party left the CPSU. During these same years, from May 1988 to January 1991, declarations of independence or sovereignty were adopted in all union and autonomous republics. But the Baltics went further. On March 11, 1990, Lithuania adopted the Act on the Restoration of State Independence. Soon, on June 12, 1990, at the First Congress of the People. dep. The RSFSR adopted the Declaration of State Sovereignty of the RSFSR. Bilateral treaties were concluded with the Baltic republics. Soon, four days later, the same Declaration was adopted by Ukraine. In October 1990, Yeltsin announced the non-subordination of the RSFSR to the allied authorities and the beginning of his own course of reforms. This decision was enshrined in law.

Soon, similar Declarations were adopted in the autonomous republics of the RSFSR (Yakutia, TASSR, Chechnya, Bashkiria).

Novo-Ogarevsky process.

On June 24, a draft of a new union treaty was published. However, the Baltic republics refused to discuss it. The western regions of Ukraine and Moldova expressed a negative attitude towards the agreement. Similar sentiments reign in Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Armenia.

On March 17, at a referendum on the existence of the USSR, support was expressed for the union state (76%). On April 24, a preliminary agreement “9+1” was signed in Novo-Ogaryovo. The signing of the new union treaty was scheduled for August 21. The new state was to become a confederation. Gorbachev was to become the new President, Nazarbayev was to become Prime Minister.

On the eve of the signing of the agreement, M.S. Gorbachev went on state vacation. Foros dacha in Crimea.

Collapse of the USSR.

State Emergency Committee.

On August 19, 1991, at 6 o’clock in the morning, the creation of the State Emergency Committee was announced. Vice-President of the USSR G.I. Yanaev announced the temporary assumption of the functions of head of state. This was explained by the illness of M.S. Gorbachev.

The Commission included Prime Minister V.S. Pavlov, min. Defense Marshal of the USSR D.T. Yazov, Chairman KGB V.A. Kryuchkov, min. ext. cases B.K. Pugo and others. The circumstances of the creation of the State Emergency Committee are poorly understood. Probably, all parties to this process were interested in this, both those who joined the Commission and those who were temporarily removed from power. The actions of the Commission were in accordance with the plan approved by M.S. Gorbachev back in the spring of 1991. At a meeting in Foros between the members of the Commission and the President of the USSR, Gorbachev did not oppose the measures of the State Emergency Committee, did not remove them from power and even shook their hands.

The members of the Commission motivated their actions by the inconsistency of the future treaty with the norms of the USSR Constitution, the danger of disrupting the events planned for August 21 (Ukraine, for example, hesitated), and the desire to prevent the collapse of the USSR. However, the Commission's actions were poorly coordinated. Troops were brought into Moscow, but they were not given clear orders, the reason for their presence was not explained, and they were not given ammunition. At the same time, the Armed Forces of the RSFSR began to reassign the army, but no one opposed this. The senior command staff and commanders of military units began to change their oath, recognizing B.N. Yeltsin as commander in chief. The supplies and activities of the government of the RSFSR continued. The commission mobilized the army, but did not dare to introduce into Moscow units loyal to the oath and formations based on military schools that supported the State Emergency Committee. Mass rallies began in Moscow and Leningrad. Barricades were spontaneously built. Free food, alcohol, and water were brought into improvised gathering places for opposition youth and townspeople.

On August 20, B.N. Yeltsin issued a Decree banning the activities of the CPSU. The Plenum scheduled for August 20-21 never took place.

By August 21, the opposition took the initiative into their own hands. On the night of 21–22, the President of the USSR returned to Moscow. On August 23, at a meeting of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR, M.S. Gorbachev confirmed the legality of all the Decrees of B.N. Yeltsin.

By August 26, all members of the State Emergency Committee were arrested, and the party buildings were taken away. Mirshal Akhromeev, manager. affairs of the CPSU Central Committee Kruchin, min. ext. Del Pugo committed suicide. Yazov refused pardon and sought a trial. The court recognized the actions of the members of the State Emergency Committee as legal, and justified the actions of the members of the State Emergency Committee.

On September 2, M.S. Gorbachev announced the preparation of a new union treaty designed to create a Union of Sovereign States on a confederal basis. On these same days, the last Congress of the People took place. deputies of the USSR. A program for a new state system for the transitional period was adopted and the State Council was created.

The first decision of the State. The Council recognized the independence of the Baltic republics. In August-September, Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova, Azerbaijan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Armenia and Turkmenistan declared independence. And on November 25, members of the State Council refused to sign the agreement written with their participation.

On December 1, Ukraine declared its complete independence, and 2 days later it was recognized by the RSFSR as an independent state. And already on December 8, in conditions of secrecy at the Belovezhskaya Pushcha dacha, the collapse of the USSR was recognized and an agreement on the creation of the CIS was signed. Within a few days, despite the statement of M.S. Gorbachev, the decisions of the Belovezhskaya Agreement were ratified by the Supreme Council of the republics. For some time Nazarbayev spoke out against the collapse of the USSR. On December 25, M.S. Gorbachev announced his resignation as President of the USSR. B.N. Yeltsin terminated the powers of deputies of the USSR Supreme Council, and the Russian flag was raised over the Kremlin.

The collapse of the Soviet system occurred later, in 1993, during the confrontation between the President of Russia and the Armed Forces of the RSFSR. The court found B.N. Yeltsin's actions illegal. However, the President won the political confrontation. The new constitution of the RSFSR created new authorities, completely eliminating the Soviet form of democracy.

Foreign policy of the USSR in the mid-60s - early 90s of the XX century.

Social countries Commonwealth.

After the dismissal of N.S. Khrushchov, the new government began a course to eliminate the problems that arose during the previous period of rule. It was necessary to normalize relations with Romania and China, restore relations with the United States and with the countries of the “third world”. It was necessary to cope with the threat of the collapse of the socialist camp.

The most important events of this period were

1) entry of ATS troops into Czechoslavakia (1968);

2) military clash with China on the island. Damansky (1969);

3) participation in military conflicts in Vietnam (60s), India, the Middle East, Lebanon and Syria (70s), Egypt (1948-1949, 60s);

4) participation in the Helsinki Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (1973-1975);

5) expansion of the CMEA at the expense of Vietnam and Cuba, agreements were concluded with Yugoslavia, Finland, Iran, Mexico, Nicaragua

6) signing of the ABM treaties, SALT 1 and SALT 2 (1972) with the United States;

7) participation in Polish politics. the crisis of the first half of the 80s (general V. Jaruzelski);