Austro-Prussian-Danish War 1864. History in stories

2.1. Reasons for the conflict between Prussia and Austria and Denmark.. The first step towards the unification of Germany was the war between Prussia and Austria on the one hand and Denmark on the other. The origins of this conflict should be sought back in 1848.

The German bourgeoisie has long been concerned about the acquisition of the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein. Of course, such an interest was dictated not only by a sense of national unity (and the majority of the population in both duchies were Germans), but by strategic calculations, because there were convenient harbors on the Baltic Sea. In addition, the acquisition of these lands made it possible to dig a canal at the base of Jutland, thereby significantly shortening the route from the North Sea to the Baltic.

Following the death of the Danish King Christian VII in January 1848, an uprising broke out in Schleswig-Holstein, which led to the formation of a provisional government on March 24, 1848. The first decree of this government was the separation from Denmark. To implement this bold plan, serious military support was needed, for which the provisional government turned to Germany. According to the resolution of the Federal Diet, the troops of Prussia and Hanover were to provide military assistance to Schleswig-Holstein. But Frederick William IV, who, as mentioned above, devoted his entire life to the fight against revolutions and various kinds of confrontations with legitimate dynastic power, did not consider it necessary to provide such assistance. It must be said that there was a certain foreign policy calculation in this, since such great powers as England, Sweden and Russia were ready to support Denmark. By decree of the king, the commander-in-chief of the Prussian-Hanoverian combined forces, General Wrangel, in every possible way slowed down the actions of the militia entrusted to him. The apotheosis of this policy was Wrangel’s order not to pursue the retreating Danish army after the victory over it, won by the militia on April 23. On August 26, 1848, a truce was signed in Malmö, which provided for the destruction of the provisional government and the preservation of Schleswig and Holstein within Denmark. On September 16, the Armistice of Malm was ratified by the German parliament after lengthy debate. And on May 8, 1852, the London Protocol confirmed the hereditary rights of the Danish crown to these territories, and Denmark pledged to respect the territorial unity of Schleswig-Holstein.

Despite the preservation of Schleswig-Holstein as part of Denmark, there was a precedent, and it clearly demonstrated that the population of the duchies themselves would not be against joining Germany. This promised popular support and made the military task easier. That is why Bismarck’s first goal as part of the policy of unification “with iron and blood” was to seize the duchies from Denmark (with the exception of the northern part of Schleswig, where ethnic Danes lived).

A reason was needed for war, and it was soon found. The fact is that both duchies were connected with Denmark by personal union and had their own constitutions. And the Danish king Frederick VII announced the annexation of Schleswig to Denmark on January 1, 1864. Christian IX, who ascended the throne after his death, extended the Danish constitution to Schleswig on November 18, 1863. The situation regarding it was such that Schleswig, which was actually part of Denmark, annexed it completely, and Holstein retained its state status under the rule of the Danish crown.

Two days after the adoption of the constitution, Frederick VII died. Prince Christian IX of Glucksburg took the vacated throne, and the son of the Duke of Augustenburg, Frederick, declared his rights to the throne of the duchies.

The reason for the war appeared - firstly, Denmark violated the territorial integrity of Schleswig-Holstein, which it promised to maintain when signing the London Protocol of 1852, and secondly, the German Diet decided to support Frederick of Augustenburg, who was close in spirit to the German nation, in his claims to the Schleswig-Holstein throne .

Bismarck immediately took advantage of the situation. Taking into account the mistakes of 1849, he did not act alone and suggested that Austria seize the duchies with united forces. It was a strong political move that Bismarck, by publicly condemning the claims of Frederick of Augustenburg (for which the Minister-President was subjected to derogatory criticism), lulled the vigilance of the great powers. On January 16, 1864, Prussia and Austria presented Denmark with an ultimatum demanding the abolition of the constitution within the next 48 hours. The Danish government rejected the ultimatum, hoping for intervention in resolving the issue of the great powers. France, Russia and England will indeed try to bring the aggressors to the negotiating table, but this will happen after the coalition’s invasion of Denmark.

2.2. The course of military operations and the results of the Danish-Prussian-Austrian war. So, at the end of January 1864, the Prussian-Austrian ultimatum was rejected by the Danes. On February 1, 1864, united Prussian-Austrian troops under the overall command of Prussian Field Marshal Wrangel entered the territory of Schleswig. The total number of troops was 72 thousand people with 158 guns. The Danes were able to field an army of 70 thousand people, having an advantage in artillery. This army was commanded by Lieutenant General Metz. However, the Roon reform made itself felt - the Prussian army was much better trained tactically, and its weapons were also better in comparison with the Danish ones.

The advantage of the coalition forces was undeniable from the first day. Although it did not come to decisive battles, the Danes constantly retreated, losing in small skirmishes. By March 1864, the Danish army was actually divided into two parts: a thirty-eight thousand strong group under the command of Metz retreated through Flensburg to fortified positions in the area of the city of Dubbel, the other part of the army retreated to the north of Jutland, where it settled in the Fredericia fortress. In March, Prussian troops besieged Fredericia, and on April 18, the Danes were defeated at Dubbel. On April 29, Danish troops were forced to leave Fredericia and hastily evacuate to the islands of Als and Funen.

On April 25, 1864, peace negotiations finally began in London between representatives of the warring states with the participation of England, France and Russia. Their result was the conclusion of a truce until June 26. Three days after its end, on June 29, Prussian-Austrian troops resumed their offensive and by mid-July occupied all of Jutland.

The conflict was completely settled only by mid-autumn. On October 30, 1864, a peace treaty was signed in Vienna. According to it, Denmark renounced its claims to Schleswig, Holstein and Lauenburg. The duchies were declared a joint possession of Prussia and Austria, with Prussia ruling Schleswig and Austria ruling Holstein.

In addition to territorial losses, Denmark lost about three thousand people killed and died from wounds and diseases, almost four thousand people were wounded. For comparison, similar figures for Prussia are 1,400 people died, 2.5 thousand people were injured.

Subsequently, Bismarck will remember the Schleswig-Holstein campaign as the best in his political activity. This operation was also highly appreciated by King William, who presented the Minister-President with the Order of the Black Eagle and wrote to him the following: “In the four years that have passed since I put you at the head of the government, Prussia has taken a position worthy of its history and promising it further happy and glorious future."

2.3. Causes of the Austro-Prussian War. It took more than 9 months for Austria and Prussia to resolve the issue of the future fate of the duchies seized from Denmark. All this time, the states waged a stubborn struggle for the initiative in the unification of Germany. Austria wanted the transformation of Schleswig and Holstein into the next German duchies - members of the German union with the ruler Augustenburg, sympathetic to Vienna. Prussia, having finally embarked on the Little German path of unifying the country, could not even be content with the separate ownership of the duchies - for this, according to Bismarck, it was not even worth going to war. The ferocity with which the diplomatic struggle took place during this period is perfectly characterized by the following fact: going to Gastein to sign the convention, Bismarck asked the General Staff whether Prussia was able to field within four weeks the same army as Austria could field in a similar period.

On August 14, 1865, the Gastein Convention was signed, according to which the sovereign rights of both powers to the seized territories were preserved, but Schleswig was ruled by Prussia, Holstein by Austria. Lauenburg was bought by Prussia for 2.5 million thalers. A Prussian military-police department was introduced in Kiel, and the Prussians received the right to build the North Sea Canal and a railway in Holstein.

It was no coincidence that Bismarck achieved such an intricate order of territorial management - it is clear that conflicts in connection with it were inevitable. The minister-president, however, did not hide his desire for war: from the end of the Danish campaign, Franz Joseph I asked to replace the problematic rights to Holstein with some piece of territory on the Prussian-Austrian border. When, in response to such a lucrative offer, he heard a sharp refusal from Bismarck, the plans of his recent allies became completely clear to him. Preparations for war began in Austria.

So, the inevitability of a war between Austria and Prussia to establish dominance in the German world became obvious. The military preparations of both sides were not even particularly disguised. But, given the great ideological significance of the upcoming conflict, it is clear that a reason was needed to start a military confrontation. Bismarck spent the next six months searching for such a reason, using any means for provocative purposes.

Prussia's obvious focus on uniting Germany into a militaristic state caused discontent among many constituent entities of the German Confederation. One of these subjects was Holstein, which was under the protection of Austria, where a wide campaign of anti-Prussian agitation unfolded. Under the terms of the Gastein Convention, the Austrian authorities were obliged to take measures against such agitation. However, no such measures were taken, which brought Bismarck to the attention of the Austrians. Austria raised this issue for consideration by the Federal Diet. Bismarck responded by saying that “this question concerns only Prussia and Austria.” It is clear that the Sejm, despite this statement, continued to work on the problem.

On April 8, 1866, negotiations on the creation of a Prussian-Italian military coalition ended with success. On the same day, Bismarck declares the Gastein Convention invalid and proposes to reorganize the German Confederation by excluding Austria from it. It was a project to create such an association as the North German Confederation, with the creation of a single parliament elected on the basis of universal male suffrage. Naturally, Bismarck's proposal was rejected by the majority of medium and small German monarchies.

Then on June 14, 1866, Bismarck officially declared the German Confederation invalid. In response to this, a coalition is formed under the leadership of Austria with the aim of military punishment of Prussia. The war has begun.

2.4. Foreign policy aspects of the Austro-Prussian war. Of course, the struggle between Austria and Prussia was not limited solely to parliamentary confrontation within the framework of the German Confederation. The most important thing for both sides was to enlist the support of the European powers, to provide themselves, if not direct military assistance, then at least a guarantee of non-aggression from their neighbors. Both competitors were actively engaged in this throughout the pre-war period.

During this diplomatic campaign, the full political talent of Bismarck was clearly demonstrated, outwitting his Austrian rivals. The key for understanding is the question of the position of France, Italy and Russia, which could use military force on the side of both powers and had their own foreign policy interests.

The strongest power in Europe, which had the greatest influence (though it unsuccessfully got involved in the protracted Mexican War), was France. Her position was extremely important for the warring parties. Bismarck was the first to try to win over Napoleon III. During a visit to Biarritz, where the French emperor was relaxing at a resort, Bismarck offered France Luxembourg in exchange for neutrality. However, the emperor made it clear to the diplomat that the price of neutrality was somewhat higher - Prussia’s non-resistance to Belgium joining France. However, such an accession would extremely strengthen France’s position in the region and would create a serious threat to Prussia itself, so Bismarck did not immediately give an answer, taking time to think and starting to court Victor Emmanuel.

Having learned about contacts between Italy and Prussia, the secret protector of Italy, Napoleon III, hinted to the Austrian Emperor Franz Joseph about all the difficulties of waging a war on two fronts and offered to transfer Venice to Italy as an appeasement. Franz Joseph refused, which was a mistake.

However, this mistake still had to be taken advantage of. It became clear that France did not want a rapprochement between Italy and Prussia. To remove this obstacle, Bismarck again travels to Biarritz, where he seeks permission for a military alliance with Italy.

As for Italy itself, Victor Emmanuel was not at all opposed to avoiding a battle with the stronger Austria. However, here too Bismarck managed to tip the scales in his favor. To begin with, he intimidated the king with the possibility of turning to the revolutionaries Mazzini and Garibaldi for help (which, for obvious reasons, the king hardly wanted), and then he also provided financial support of 120 million marks. In addition, the Italians received a guarantee that in any case they would receive the Venice they desired as a result of the war. On April 8, 1866, the military alliance was signed, and Bismarck, as mentioned above, it was on this day that he finally broke with the German Confederation.

Bismarck had no problems with Russia at all. The Russian Empire and Tsar Alexander II personally had many reasons to hate Austria, whose actions during the Crimean War were considered solely as betrayal. In addition, Alexander II highly appreciated the services provided by Prussia during the suppression of the Polish uprising of 1863-1864. We should also not forget about the personal sympathy of the emperor, which arose during Bismarck’s work as ambassador in St. Petersburg, and about the Hessian relatives of the king.

It is interesting that Bismarck’s close friend during his stay in Russia, Prince Gorchakov, was against neutrality, believing that resistance to the unification of Germany was extremely beneficial for Russia. However, he, of course, could not defeat the king. And as a result, Russia remained neutral both during the Danish-Prussian and during the Prussian-Austrian war.

The Austrians traditionally devoted the bulk of their diplomatic efforts to processing large (comparatively, of course) monarchies that were members of the German Confederation. The greatest successes along this path were the alliance treaties with Bavaria, Saxony, Hanover, Hesse and Darmstadt.

2.5. The course of hostilities and the results of the war. As already mentioned in previous sections, the impending armed conflict between Austria and Prussia was obvious long before the actual outbreak of military clashes. Accordingly, both sides began to carry out mobilization and other activities related to the approaching war in advance. In the summer of 1866, Prussia concentrated an army of 278 thousand people in Bohemia (that is, directly on the border with Austria). The artillery support of this army was 800 guns. The Prussian army was formally led by King Wilhelm I, but in reality it was commanded by the Chief of the General Staff, Helmuth von Moltke. Austria at that moment had an army of three hundred thousand, but due to the need to cover the Italian direction, this army was divided into two parts. The Southern Army (80 thousand people) was located on the border with Italy, and the Northern Army on the border with Prussia. The strength of the Northern Army for a long time was 220 thousand people, but shortly before the war it was reinforced by a 40 thousand-strong Saxon detachment. The northern army was led by General Benedek, the southern by General Rudolf.

The head of the Prussian General Staff, Moltke, developed a plan for a lightning war (blitzkrieg), according to which on June 16, 1866, Prussian troops began to occupy the lands that were part of the German Confederation - Saxony, Hanover and Hesse. The next day, Austria declared war on Prussia. Three more days later, on June 20, fulfilling the terms of the treaty, Italy declared war on Austria.

Conducting military operations on two fronts at once, the Austrian troops were forced to begin a retreat to Josefstadt, and later to Königgrätz (the modern Czech city of Hradec Kralove). It was here, near the village of Sadova, that a general battle took place on July 3, 1866, which radically influenced the course of the war. The Austrian Northern Army (215 thousand people, 770 guns) occupied positions on the heights southeast of the city when the Elbe and Silesian Prussian armies (221 thousand people, more than 900 guns) approached it. On July 3, the Elbe Army with part of its forces bypassed the left flank of the Austrians, and the Silesian Army attacked the right flank and rear. Facing the threat of encirclement, General Benedek began to withdraw his troops. However, this withdrawal was extremely poorly organized and soon turned into a mass flight of Austrians from the battlefield. The only thing that saved the Northern Army from complete destruction was that the Prussians were unable (or did not want) to organize the pursuit of the retreating forces in time. As a result of the Battle of Sadovaya, the Austrians lost more than 44 thousand people killed, captured and wounded; similar losses of the Prussian army amounted to 9 thousand people.

The defeat was complete. He impressed Franz Joseph I so much that, despite having the resources to continue the fight, already on the night of July 3-4, he sent a telegram to Napoleon III. It reported Austria's refusal of Venice in exchange for mediation in concluding peace with Italy.

Napoleon took great pleasure in taking advantage of such a convenient opportunity to interfere in Austro-Prussian affairs. On July 5, he notified the Prussian headquarters of Franz Joseph's concession to Venice and his intention to deviate from the policy of non-intervention. And on the night of July 12, the French ambassador Benedetti unexpectedly appeared before Bismarck and outlined the French peace project to the minister-president. This project provided for the dissolution of the German Confederation and the creation of a new union led by Prussia in the territory north of the Main. The states south of the Main form their own union, Prussia receives Schleswig and Holstein, Austria loses Venice.

It must be said that Benedetti appeared before Bismarck at an already very difficult moment for that time. The fact is that all the generals and King Wilhelm personally, after the victory at Sadovaya, decisively sought to continue the war and the eventual occupation of Vienna. Bismarck clearly understood that such humiliation of Austria would remove it from the list of potential partners in the future (and Bismarck had no doubt that “what was won in this campaign would have to be defended in further wars”). On July 20, a truce was concluded for 5 days. Karolyi arrived at the Prussian headquarters, but Bismarck and Wilhelm could not agree with each other. Finally, Bismarck managed to get the emperor to agree to a “shameful peace after such brilliant victories,” and on July 26, preliminaries were signed in Nikolsburg (near Vienna). The final peace was concluded on August 23 in Prague. According to it, the German Confederation was dissolved and was replaced by the North German Confederation led by Prussia; Austria ceded Holstein to Prussia and lost Venice to Italy, Prussia annexed Hanover, Frankfurt am Main, Nassau and Hesse. In addition to territorial losses, Austria was obliged to pay indemnity to the winners.

Having become the head of the North German Confederation and annexing a number of neighboring German states, Prussia did not want to lose influence in the south of the German world. It was impossible to act by force here, since Napoleon III had serious plans for the southern states. Initially, the southern states, following the example of Austria, turned to France for mediation, but Bismarck harshly suppressed such attempts by introducing the South German envoys to the French plans for taking possession of the Rhine. Thanks to this step, it was possible to sign a military convention for a period of 5 years with Württemberg, Bavaria, Hesse-Darmstadt and Saxony.

German-Danish War of 1864

But Mikhail Skobelev did not have the chance to wait until the end of hostilities during the suppression of the Polish uprising. Unexpectedly for himself, in the spring of 1864, he was recalled to St. Petersburg and summoned to the General Staff, where he received orders as a private individual to go to Western Europe, where at that time there was a war between Denmark and Prussia.

“This war will be characterized, first of all, by the use of new weapons that both sides have at their disposal,” the staff colonel who instructed Skobelev on the road told the young officer. “It is important for us to know the capabilities of these weapons and their quantity in the infantry regiment. Try to get close to the officers who were directly involved in the battles, talk with them about the methods of action of the troops in the new conditions. It is possible that soon we will have to face all this. You need to know what to prepare for.

Before leaving, Skobelev visited the department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, where he learned that the cause of this war was the rivalry that arose between Denmark and Prussia in the mid-19th century over the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein, which were in a personal union with Denmark. In 1848, this rivalry escalated into a war that lasted until 1850. After its end, the previous status of the duchies was confirmed by the London Protocols of 1850 and 1852. But in November 1863, Denmark adopted a new constitution, according to which Schleswig annexed the Kingdom of Denmark, becoming part of its territory.

Austria and Prussia, which also had certain plans for Schleswig and Holstein, with the support of a number of states of the German Union, declared this step a violation of previous agreements. They demanded that Denmark abolish the constitution, and then occupied Holstein, as well as the German principality of Lauenburg, which Denmark claimed.

And on January 16, 1864, Austria and Prussia announced an ultimatum to Denmark demanding the restoration of the status of Schleswig, but at the end of January Denmark rejected this ultimatum. A military conflict arose between the Kingdom of Denmark and the Prussian-Austrian coalition for the separation of the Elbe duchies of Schleswig and Holstein from the possessions of the Danish crown. In reality, this was the first of the wars in the process of unifying Germany around Prussia.

Mikhail Dmitrievich himself was very interested in this war. However, the meager information that appeared in the newspapers did not provide answers to his questions. I wanted to see everything with my own eyes. Therefore, without delay, he quickly got ready and took the first flight to Riga, and from there further west.

When M.D. Skobelev arrived in Konigsberg, the war between Prussia and Denmark was in full swing. He learned that on February 1, combined Prussian-Austrian troops numbering 60 thousand people, supported by 158 guns, under the overall command of Prussian Field Marshal F. Wrangel entered the territory of Schleswig. They were opposed by the Danish army (38 thousand people, 277 guns) under the command of Lieutenant General K. de Metz. Using her superior artillery, she could have defended herself, but the Danish commanders instead chose passive tactics of observing the enemy.

Taking advantage of this, on February 3 and 4, the main forces of the Germans attacked the Dannewerk line of the Danes from the front, while their special corps, having crossed the Schlei Bay, struck the enemy’s flank. As a result, on the night of February 6, the Danes retreated to Flensburg, which the Allies occupied almost without a fight the next day. After the loss of Flensburg, the Danish army retreated partly to Duppel, partly to the north of Jutland, thus finding itself divided into two parts. By March 1864, its first part occupied fortified positions in the area of the city of Duppel, and the other settled in the Fredericia fortress.

By the time Skobelev arrived, Prussian-Austrian troops had besieged the Fredericia fortress, and on April 18 they defeated the Danes at Dubbel. On April 29, Danish troops were forced to leave Fredericia and evacuate to the islands of Als and Funen. True, at that time the stronger Danish fleet still dominated the sea, blocking the German coast, but the naval battles of the Danes with the Prussian squadron at Jasmund (Rügen Island) on March 17 and with the Austrian squadron at Helgoland on May 9 did not give a definite result. Both warring sides declared their victories in these battles, and their diplomats were already preparing the ground for negotiations.

On April 25, 1864, peace negotiations began in London between the representatives of the warring states with the participation of Great Britain, France and Russia. A truce was concluded until June 26.

On June 29, the Prussian-Austrian troops, having received significant reinforcements, resumed the offensive. Prince Frederick Charles was appointed commander-in-chief of the allied army. The second period of the war was even worse for the Danes than the first. After the Prussians occupied the island of Alzen on June 29, Danish troops had to retreat everywhere, and the allied forces spread more and more throughout the kingdom.

Only by the end of October 1864 was the conflict completely resolved, and on October 30 a peace treaty was signed in Vienna. Denmark renounced its claims to Lauenburg, Schleswig and Holstein. The duchies were declared joint possessions of Prussia and Austria, with Schleswig now ruled by Prussia and Holstein by Austria.

The German-Danish War of 1864 was an important step towards the unification of Germany under Prussian hegemony.

The Germans did not pay such a high price for this - a little more than 3 thousand people died in battle and died from wounds and illnesses. Denmark's losses in killed and wounded reached 7 thousand people.

After returning to St. Petersburg, M.D. Skobelev wrote a detailed report about his business trip. It consists of a dozen pages listing individual battles and troop movement routes. Regarding the new weapon, there is a special report that sets out a description and methods of using heavy artillery during the assault on the Fredericia fortress, which fired “destructive fire from a long distance” at the enemy. Also of some value is a certificate on the use of railway transport for transporting troops and cargo over long distances.

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Chapter III. Prussian-Danish War of 1864 Situation before the war Shortly after the end of the Prussian-Danish War of 1848-51, the great powers approved, according to the London Protocol on May 8, 1852, the procedure for further succession to the throne in Denmark in the event of the death of the Danish king

(cm. Gastein Convention)

Opponents

Within the German Confederation:

Denmark

Commanders Strengths of the parties

61,000 soldiers,

Progress of hostilities

At sea in the first period of the war, the stronger Danish fleet dominated, blockading the German coast. The naval battles of the Danes with the Prussian squadron at Jasmund (Rügen Island) on March 17 and with the Austrian squadron at Heligoland on May 9 did not give a definite result; both belligerents declared them their victories.

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Notes

Literature

// Encyclopedic Dictionary of Brockhaus and Efron: in 86 volumes (82 volumes and 4 additional). - St. Petersburg. , 1890-1907.
* Military encyclopedia published by Sytin. T. 7, pp. - 619
Mernikov A. G., Spektor A. A. World history of wars. - Minsk, 2005.



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An excerpt characterizing the Austro-Prussian-Danish War

- Why, I tied up one such and such! - the kisser shouted, waving off the people who attacked him, and, tearing off his hat, he threw it on the ground. As if this action had some mysteriously threatening significance, the factory workers who surrounded the kisser stopped in indecision.
“Brother, I know the order very well.” I'll get to the private part. Do you think I won't make it? Nowadays no one is ordered to commit robbery! – the kisser shouted, raising his hat.
- And let's go, look! And let's go... look! - the kisser and the tall fellow repeated one after another, and both moved forward along the street together. The bloody blacksmith walked next to them. Factory workers and strangers followed them, talking and shouting.
At the corner of Maroseyka, opposite a large house with locked shutters, on which there was a sign of a shoemaker, stood with sad faces about twenty shoemakers, thin, exhausted people in dressing gowns and tattered tunics.
- He will treat the people properly! - said a thin craftsman with a scraggly beard and frowning eyebrows. - Well, he sucked our blood - and that’s it. He drove us and drove us - all week. And now he brought it to the last end, and left.
Seeing the people and the bloody man, the worker who had been speaking fell silent, and all the shoemakers, with hasty curiosity, joined the moving crowd.
-Where are the people going?
- It is known where, he goes to the authorities.
- Well, did our power really not take over?
- And you thought how! Look what the people are saying.
Questions and answers were heard. The kisser, taking advantage of the increase in the crowd, fell behind the people and returned to his tavern.
The tall fellow, not noticing the disappearance of his enemy the kisser, waving his bare arm, did not stop talking, thereby drawing everyone’s attention to himself. The people mostly pressed on him, expecting from him to get a solution to all the questions that occupied them.
- Show him order, show him the law, that’s what the authorities are in charge of! Is that what I say, Orthodox? - said the tall fellow, smiling slightly.
– He thinks, and there are no authorities? Is it possible without bosses? Otherwise, you never know how to rob them.
- What nonsense to say! - responded in the crowd. - Well, then they’ll abandon Moscow! They told you to laugh, but you believed it. You never know how many of our troops are coming. So they let him in! That's what the authorities do. “Listen to what the people are saying,” they said, pointing to the tall fellow.
Near the wall of China City, another small group of people surrounded a man in a frieze overcoat holding a paper in his hands.
- The decree, the decree is being read! The decree is being read! - was heard in the crowd, and people rushed to the reader.
A man in a frieze overcoat was reading a poster dated August 31st. When the crowd surrounded him, he seemed embarrassed, but in response to the demand of the tall fellow who had pushed ahead of him, with a slight trembling in his voice, he began to read the poster from the beginning.
“Tomorrow I’m going early to the Most Serene Prince,” he read (the brightening one! - the tall fellow solemnly repeated, smiling with his mouth and frowning his eyebrows), “to talk with him, act and help the troops exterminate the villains; We too will become the spirit of them...” the reader continued and stopped (“Saw?” the little one shouted victoriously. “He will untie you all the distance...”) ... - to eradicate and send these guests to hell; I’ll come back for lunch, and we’ll get down to business, we’ll do it, we’ll finish it, and we’ll get rid of the villains.”
The last words were read by the reader in complete silence. The tall fellow sadly lowered his head. It was obvious that no one understood these last words. In particular, the words: “I will come tomorrow for lunch,” apparently even upset both the reader and the listeners. The understanding of the people was in a high mood, and this was too simple and unnecessary understandable; this was the very thing that each of them could say and that therefore a decree emanating from a higher power could not speak.
Everyone stood in dejected silence. The tall fellow moved his lips and staggered.
“I should ask him!.. That’s what he is?.. Well, he asked!.. But then... He’ll point out...” was suddenly heard in the back rows of the crowd, and everyone’s attention turned to the droshky of the police chief, accompanied by two mounted dragoons.
The police chief, who had gone that morning by order of the count to burn the barges and, on the occasion of this order, had rescued a large sum of money that was in his pocket at that moment, seeing a crowd of people moving towards him, ordered the coachman to stop.
- What kind of people? - he shouted at the people, scattered and timidly approaching the droshky. - What kind of people? I'm asking you? - repeated the police chief, who did not receive an answer.
“They, your honor,” said the clerk in the frieze overcoat, “they, your highness, at the announcement of the most illustrious count, without sparing their lives, wanted to serve, and not like some kind of riot, as said from the most illustrious count...
“The Count has not left, he is here, and there will be orders about you,” said the police chief. - Let's go! - he said to the coachman. The crowd stopped, crowding around those who had heard what the authorities said, and looking at the droshky driving away.
At that time, the police chief looked around in fear and said something to the coachman, and his horses went faster.
- Cheating, guys! Lead to it yourself! - shouted the voice of a tall guy. - Don't let me go, guys! Let him submit the report! Hold it! - voices shouted, and people ran after the droshky.
The crowd behind the police chief, talking noisily, headed to the Lubyanka.
- Well, the gentlemen and the merchants have left, and that’s why we are lost? Well, we are dogs, or what! – was heard more often in the crowd.

On the evening of September 1, after his meeting with Kutuzov, Count Rastopchin, upset and offended by the fact that he was not invited to the military council, that Kutuzov did not pay any attention to his proposal to take part in the defense of the capital, and surprised by the new look that opened up to him in the camp , in which the question of the calm of the capital and its patriotic mood turned out to be not only secondary, but completely unnecessary and insignificant - upset, offended and surprised by all this, Count Rostopchin returned to Moscow. After dinner, the count, without undressing, lay down on the sofa and at one o'clock was awakened by a courier who brought him a letter from Kutuzov. The letter said that since the troops were retreating to the Ryazan road outside Moscow, would the count like to send police officials to lead the troops through the city. This news was not news to Rostopchin. Not only from yesterday’s meeting with Kutuzov on Poklonnaya Hill, but also from the Battle of Borodino itself, when all the generals who came to Moscow unanimously said that another battle could not be fought, and when, with the count’s permission, every night government property and residents were already removing up to half let's leave - Count Rastopchin knew that Moscow would be abandoned; but nevertheless, this news, communicated in the form of a simple note with an order from Kutuzov and received at night, during his first sleep, surprised and irritated the count.
Subsequently, explaining his activities during this time, Count Rastopchin wrote several times in his notes that he then had two important goals: De maintenir la tranquillite a Moscow et d "en faire partir les habitants. [Keep calm in Moscow and escort out her inhabitants.] If we assume this double goal, every action of Rostopchin turns out to be impeccable. Why were the Moscow shrine, weapons, cartridges, gunpowder, grain supplies not taken out, why were thousands of residents deceived by the fact that Moscow would not be surrendered, and ruined? - For this ", in order to maintain calm in the capital, Count Rostopchin's explanation answers. Why were piles of unnecessary papers removed from public places and Leppich's ball and other objects? - In order to leave the city empty, Count Rostopchin's explanation answers. One has only to assume that something threatened national tranquility, and every action becomes justified.
All the horrors of terror were based only on concern for public peace.
What was Count Rastopchin’s fear of public peace in Moscow based on in 1812? What reason was there for supposing there was a tendency towards indignation in the city? Residents left, troops, retreating, filled Moscow. Why should the people rebel as a result of this?
Not only in Moscow, but throughout Russia, upon the entry of the enemy, nothing resembling indignation occurred. On September 1st and 2nd, more than ten thousand people remained in Moscow, and, apart from the crowd that had gathered in the courtyard of the commander-in-chief and attracted by him, there was nothing. Obviously, it was even less necessary to expect unrest among the people if after the Battle of Borodino, when the abandonment of Moscow became obvious, or, at least, probably, if then, instead of agitating the people with the distribution of weapons and posters, Rostopchin took measures to the removal of all sacred objects, gunpowder, charges and money, and would directly announce to the people that the city was being abandoned.
Rastopchin, an ardent, sanguine man who always moved in the highest circles of the administration, although with a patriotic feeling, did not have the slightest idea about the people he thought of governing. From the very beginning of the enemy’s entry into Smolensk, Rostopchin envisioned for himself the role of leader of the people’s feelings—the heart of Russia. It not only seemed to him (as it seems to every administrator) that he controlled the external actions of the inhabitants of Moscow, but it seemed to him that he controlled their mood through his proclamations and posters, written in that ironic language that the people in their midst despise and which they do not understands when he hears it from above. Rostopchin liked the beautiful role of the leader of popular feeling so much, he got used to it so much that the need to get out of this role, the need to leave Moscow without any heroic effect, took him by surprise, and he suddenly lost from under his feet the ground on which he stood, he absolutely did not know what should he do? Although he knew, he did not believe with all his soul in leaving Moscow until the last minute and did nothing for this purpose. Residents moved out against his wishes. If public places were removed, it was only at the request of officials, with whom the count reluctantly agreed. He himself was occupied only with the role that he made for himself. As often happens with people gifted with an ardent imagination, he knew for a long time that Moscow would be abandoned, but he knew only by reasoning, but with all his soul he did not believe in it, and was not transported by his imagination to this new situation.

History of wars at sea from ancient times to the end of the 19th century Alfred Stenzel

Chapter III. Prussian-Danish War 1864

The situation before the war

Shortly after the end of the Prussian-Danish War of 1848-51, the great powers approved, according to the London Protocol on May 8, 1852, the order of further succession to the throne in Denmark in the event of the death of King Fredrick VII of Denmark, the last member of the ruling Danish house in the male line, who had the right of succession in duchies of Schleswig and Holstein.

During the last years of his reign, adherents of the dominant party in the country, “Denmark to the River Eider,” issued a number of laws that sought to bring the Duchy of Schleswig into closer connection with the Danish state. As a result, their activities led to the fact that at the end of 1863 the German Confederation decided to intervene in this matter, and when Denmark refused to repeal the new fundamental law issued on November 18th, according to which Schleswig was an integral part of the Danish state and thereby separated from Holstein, then at the end of November the troops of the German Confederation, Saxons and Hanoverians, entered the borders of Holstein.

Soon after this, both great powers of the alliance, Prussia and Austria, decided to occupy Schleswig as well.

This was the beginning of the all-German policy of the Prussian Minister-President von Bismarck.

On February 1, the allied forces occupied Schleswig; from here one can consider the beginning of a strong political revival in Germany.

After a series of battles in the south, at Missunde and Eversee, the Danes cleared, outnumbered by the strongest enemy, their strong position - Düppel, in Schleswig. On the mainland they retained only Jutland north of the Limfjord and the position at Fredericia against the northwestern tip of Funen, the strong fortifications of Düppel-Sonderburg on the Zundewit peninsula and the southwestern part of the island of Alsen.

In mid-March, several companies of Prussian infantry occupied the island of Fehmarn in a surprise attack, despite the fact that it had three Danish gunboats.

Despite a number of diplomatic demarches, the Allies subsequently occupied all of Jutland to Skagen; In general, the war on the mainland in its entire course of events strongly resembled the war of 1658. Further Allied operations, excluding actions against Fredericia and Duppel, were hopeless, since the Danish fleet was certainly in control of the situation.

The Danish fleet went through the same stages of development as the fleets of other powers (screw ships and ironclads), and in 1864 consisted, in addition to fifty rowing ships with 80 guns and 24 tug steamers for them, of the following ships: one 14-gun ironclad frigate (rebuilt from a sailing battleship), one armored battery with 4 guns in domed towers - “Rolf Krake”, two armored gunboats (3 guns), one 64-gun screw battleship, 4 screw frigates (34-44 guns) , 3 screw corvettes (12-16 guns), 10 screw schooners or gunboats (2-3 guns) and 8 wheeled advice (2-8 guns); in addition, there were 2 more sailing battleships, a frigate, a corvette and a brig (14-84 guns).

The reserves consisted of 170 officers and cadets, and 1,800 lower ranks; this number of people was enough to staff all the ships.

Copenhagen's fortifications on the sea front were strengthened; the Trekroner and Prevesteen forts received casemated ramparts. A new fort, Melum, was built between both sea forts.

The funds for all these buildings were taken from the sums contributed by all states in 1857 in the amount of 35 million marks when the previous duty for passage through the Sound was abolished.

In late autumn 1864, Denmark began arming its ships.

After the dissolution of the German Confederation fleet in 1852, the small Prussian fleet was strengthened by the acquisition of some of its vessels; then the construction of ships began in Danzig, and in 1855 Prussia exchanged from England for two wheeled advice ships built there for it, one frigate and two brigs.

At the end of 1853, the Admiralty was created and Prince Adalbert of Prussia was appointed “admiral of the Prussian coast and chief commander of the fleet.” A shipyard and naval base were founded in Danzig. Warehouses for the fleet were set up in Stralsund and on the island of Denholm.

In 1854, Prince Adalbert submitted an official memorandum in which he demanded that the fleet be brought to the following composition: 9 screw battleships (90 guns), 3 screw frigates (40 guns), 6 screw corvettes (24 guns) and 3 steam memos, not counting existing sailing and 40 rowing ships.

The leadership consisted of the headquarters of the Chief of the Fleet (Ober-Kommando) and the Navy Ministry, headed by the Minister of War, General von Roon.

Swedish, Dutch, Belgian officers and officers of the former allied fleet began to enter Prussian service. In 1864, there were already 120 officers and cadets on the fleet lists.

In 1864, the Prussian fleet consisted of the following ships: 3 screw corvettes with a closed battery (28 guns), 1 corvette with an open battery (17 guns), 21 screw gunboats (2-3 guns), 1 screw melee, the royal yacht Grille (2 guns), 2 wheeled advice (2-4 guns), and in addition, 3 sailing frigates and brigs and 36 rowing ships.

At the end of 1863, all ships were transferred from Danzig to Swinemünde near Stralsund.

It should be especially noted that already in 1853 such a continental and military-land power as Prussia, bordering only on its outskirts with the Baltic Sea, began to take steps to acquire a section of coast on the North Sea for the construction of a military port, although its fleet was still in the most rudimentary state. This decision, taken despite the already large expenditures on the army, is a brilliant act of strategic and commercial-political foresight and a patriotic cause for the future of all Germany at sea. At the same time, one should not lose sight of the fact that in 1850 German trade in the Baltic Sea was more developed than in the North Sea (58% and 42%), and that the largest of the German states lying along the coast of the North Sea, Hanover, was very restrained and rather even hostile towards Prussia's naval undertakings, because it itself dreamed of control over Germany's access to the North Sea.

In the autumn of 1854, Prussia acquired from Oldenburg a section of coastline at the western entrance to the inner bay of Jade, near the town of Heppens, and immediately began to carry out a huge hydraulic engineering task - excavation work, etc.

Thus, a new naval base for Prussia (and subsequently Germany) arose in the North Sea to protect the neighboring Hanseatic cities of Hamburg and Bremen, far from its own state, unprotected by the still too small Prussian fleet - in a sense, a forgotten post.

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Which was largely German. The problem of the duchies has long been a “pain point” of the “German question”. The authoritative liberal of the German North, Friedrich Christoph Dahlmann, began making plans back in 1815 to attract the duchies into the German one. During the German Revolution of 1848-1849, the Schleswig-Holstein issue was relevant, and attempts were made to resolve it. Prussia and other German states sent troops to Schleswig, military operations were successful, they were supported by Frankfurt (see Danish-Prussian War 1848-1850). But Great Britain and Sweden, with the support of Russia, did everything to prevent the duchies from being annexed to Germany. The result was the signing of a truce, which restored the status quo. The reason for a new aggravation of the Schleswig-Holstein question was the introduction in March 1863 by the Danish king Frederick VII of a constitution in all the lands under his control. Thus, the traditional privileges of Schleswig were eliminated and the rights of Holstein and Lauenburg were significantly curtailed. In Germany they feared that the Danish wanted to assimilate the German minority, which at that time constituted a third of the total population of the Danish kingdom, and protested. On November 15, 1863, the Danish died unexpectedly; the Holstein authorities refused to swear allegiance to the new king Christian IX. Christian of Glucksburg was not a direct descendant of Frederick VII (he was just the husband of his cousin), so he turned to the German Diet with a request to recognize Frederick of Augustenburg as Duke of the independent state of Schleswig. The resolution of the issue in the Federal Diet depended on the position of Austria and the Minister-President of Prussia O. von Bismarck. But Austria no longer had its former influence in the German world, and Bismarck had other plans for Schleswig and Holstein: he did not want to go to war with Denmark for the emergence of a new independent state and was inclined to annex the territory of the duchies. As a diplomat, Bismarck did not consider it possible to violate the Treaty of London signed by Prussia and Austria in 1852, which recognized the rights of the Danish Christian Christian of Glucksburg and denied them in relation to the Duke of Augustenburg. Austria and Prussia have officially stated that they do not intend to violate the London Treaty. The Hohenzollerns and Habsburgs presented a united front. Through the efforts of Bismarck, the Federal Diet decided to deprive Christian IX of power over the German-speaking duchies, and the majority of small German states supported the Duke of Augustenburg. In December, Saxon and Hanoverian troops approached the Holstein border. Prussian and Austrian troops stood on the Elbe. The Minister-President of Prussia acted cautiously and pragmatically. He made it clear to Napoleon III that he was ready to discuss the problem of Schleswig and Holstein at an international conference and thank France for its support. Bismarck officially proposed that Austria enter into an alliance and include in the alliance clause that if it leads to war, then the fate of the duchies of Prussia and Austria will be decided together. He was supported by the Austrian Foreign Minister Rechberg. was signed on January 16, 1864, at the same time Prussia and Austria demanded that Christian IX abolish the constitution in Schleswig, but he refused. At the end of January 1864, Prussian troops entered. On February 1, Austro-Prussian troops (about 60 thousand people) under the command of Prussian Field Marshal F. Wrangel invaded Schleswig. By mid-April, the entire Danish mainland was already in their hands. On April 18, 1864, Prussian attacks destroyed the Danish fortifications at Dubbel. This was the largest battle of D. in. On April 29, Prussian-Austrian troops reached Fredericia, the Danish had to evacuate to the islands of Als and Funen. At sea, military operations initially developed in favor of the Danes. On March 17 they won a victory at Fr. Rügen, and on May 9 - at Fr. Helgoland. But after the retreat of the Danish army to the islands of Als and Funen, the enemy fleet concentrated near these islands and captured the North Frisian Islands (near the western coast of the Jutland Peninsula). The European powers did not provide support to the Danes. Continental Europe did not want to spoil relations with Bismarck because of Denmark, and Great Britain could not do anything on its own. But on her initiative, a conference was convened in London, at which representatives of Austria and Prussia spoke out for the autonomy of Schleswig and Holstein while maintaining dynastic ties with Denmark. Danish did not support this decision. Then the Austro-Prussian troops resumed on the Jutland Peninsula. The Danish proposed a conclusion, the terms of which provided for the transfer of Schleswig and Holstein to Austria and Prussia. A ceasefire regime was in effect from May 12 to June 26. Then the Prussian troops moved to, captured about. Als, and by mid-July they occupied the entire territory of Jutland. On July 16, a new agreement was signed. On August 1, 1864, a preliminary peace treaty was signed, and on October 30, in Vienna, a final peace treaty was signed, according to which the rights to Schleswig and Lauenburg were renounced in favor of Prussia and Austria. The duchies ceased to be the object of an international settlement; their fate was now in the hands of Berlin and Vienna. D.v. became the first in a series of Prussian military campaigns for the unification of Germany. Source: Bismarck O. von. Memoirs of the Iron Chancellor. St. Petersburg, 2004. Lit.: Roots L. The Schleswig-Holstein question and the European powers in 1863-1864. Tallinn, 1957; Narochnitskaya L. I. Russia and the wars of Prussia in the 60s of the XIX century. for the unification of Germany "from above". M., 1960; Rostislavleva N.V. The Schleswig-Holstein question in the focus of the creation of the German Empire // Regional narrative of the imperial province: methodological approaches and research practices. Stavropol, 2016; Showalter D. E. The Wars of German Unification. London, 2004. N. V. Rostislavleva.