Alexey Kazannik, ex-general prosecutor of the Russian Federation, professor. The most open people

Twenty years ago, Russia's Prosecutor General Alexei Kazannik refused to break the law and, despite the urgent request of President Yeltsin, released the amnestied Rutskoi, Khasbulatov, and Makashov. Today, his son, prosecutor Dmitry Kazannik, stands up for the fact that, according to the law, Oleg Shishov was required to be taken into custody in Omsk. “No compromises”: Kazannik Sr. told BK how he raised his sons, why our country needs a tsar instead of the president and what keeps him from the New Year corporate party in the Omsk government.

- Aleksey Ivanovich, the name of your youngest son was “lit up” in the Shishov case: prosecutor Dmitry Kazannik, together with the investigator of the ICR, petitioned for the placement of the accused in a pre-trial detention center. Do you share this position?
- Dmitry Alekseevich works in the regional prosecutor's office, analyzes all economic affairs. Prior to that, for many years he acted in court as a public prosecutor. Today he works day and night, because all cases go through him, no matter who investigates them. The son is forced to consider entire "multi-volume books", his task is to carefully ensure that the law is strictly observed during the investigation of any case. I have not the slightest reason to doubt that this was also the case with respect to Oleg Shishov.

- I know that your second son, Mikhail, also works in the regional prosecutor's office.
- Yes, Mikhail Alekseevich is engaged in criminal statistics. The sons have a principled position: everything related to official affairs should remain in the service. Asking them is completely useless.

- Was the choice of profession for your children obvious?
“I never told them, 'You should go to law school.' Mishka graduated from the eight-year school and said: “Dad, I want to be a welder. I've been dreaming for a long time." “A wonderful job,” I agreed. “But you have to become a professional of the highest class.” He graduated from a vocational school and worked for a year as a welder at a factory. Then he was drafted into the army. Served in the missile forces for two years. When he returned, he suddenly said: "I want to enter the law faculty." “You won't do it,” I warned Mikhail. You don't have any knowledge. If you really want to, go to preparatory courses. Work out for a year, then try." Mikhail entered, and he turned out to be an excellent specialist. Dmitry's path immediately lay in the law faculty: he studied excellently at school and graduated from the university with honors.

What high-profile court case has recently touched you the most?
- Maybe it's age-related, but politics has become completely uninteresting to me. Previously, I ran to rallies, spoke, worried, but today I wouldn’t go anywhere at all ... Nevertheless, I painfully perceive Vasilyeva’s sensational case. Mockery! How can we explain it to students? “Everything is fair with us, and you should do so ...”? This hurts the soul so much that I have already promised myself not to watch TV and not read newspapers ... And still I watch, read, get indignant ... At one time I was struck by a note that dealt with the sale of resort lands in the Moscow region. The starting price is 50 thousand dollars per hundred square meters. They bought up all the land, - the publication wrote, at 600 rubles (!) per hundred square meters. Representatives of the leshoz applied to the Moscow City Court with a claim to invalidate the sale and purchase agreement. The court dismissed the claim, arguing that the announcement was published in advance in a newspaper accessible to everyone, but, unfortunately, only representatives of three came to the auction - Abramovich, Shokhin and a certain Yulia Rutberg. And they did not raise their signs until the price dropped to 600 rubles. Thus, there is no violation of the law. Reading about such things is simply impossible.

– Omsk is full of stories about the sale of land…
- I know, but I cannot speak on these cases: for this I need to study the materials. They called the other day from Ekho Moskvy: “Comment on the arrest of Hamburg, Merenkov’s escape ...” I can’t! I don’t know a single material of the case, but our profession is such that we need to delve into the essence.

- What ruined Oleg Shishov, in your opinion?
- I can not say, unfortunately, for the same reason.

- Good. But as a person, do you rather sympathize with the General Director of Mostovik or condemn him?
- He always treated with compassion even those people who committed some crimes. Once Ruslan Khasbulatov, being in the Lefortovo pre-trial detention center, wrote a statement: “I immediately demand the Prosecutor General.” My assistants said: “In the entire history of the existence of the prosecutor's office, the prosecutor general has never met with the accused. You can send an assistant." “I’ll break this tradition, I’ll go myself,” I said.
If a person is guilty, we can sympathize with him, worry about him - we are living people. But a lawyer must act only in accordance with the law. There is no other.
I was often asked about Mikhail Khodorkovsky: you probably discuss it in the family, you sympathize, we won’t believe it if you deny it! It does not matter! But if I had considered this case in court, I would have acted exactly according to the law. When I was forced to resign from the post of Prosecutor General, I received a lot of letters and telegrams. Not a single one of them was judgmental. Most of all I value the letter of the prisoners of one of the colonies of the Rostov region. It literally says the following: “We in the detachment consulted and came to the conclusion that you are completely incapable of breaking the law. If you demanded the most severe punishments for us, we would never be offended by you, because we are convinced that you would have acted justly.

Is it harder for you to lecture today than it was thirty years ago?
– Under Soviet rule, I gave truthful lectures and today I give truthful ones. For example, speaking of people's sovereignty, please pay attention, the Constitution says that the people are the only source of power in the Russian Federation. But at the same time, the constitutional norm is unacceptable! – is limited by the norms of the current legislation. As a result, there is no civil society in Russia. In order for it to form, there must be a rule of law state, and we don’t even have the prerequisites for this ...

- Bold statement...
- See for yourself. An integral feature of civil society is political parties. But they are effective only in one case: if they express the interests of certain categories of the population. And in our society, these interests are not differentiated, so it is impossible to find a difference between the programs of United Russia, A Just Russia or the Liberal Democratic Party. There are no worthy public associations. The Public Chamber of the Russian Federation is the only worthwhile association, but it is financed from the state budget, and the apparatus consists of typical officials. And who pays - he orders the music.
Or take the middle class, necessary for the formation of civil society. In Russia, there is none. Newspapers write - according to official data, it is allegedly 25-30 percent. But in foreign highly developed countries this percentage is 65-70...

– Is there an elite in Russia and what does it represent?
- Good question. Before the revolution, 8.5% of the Russian population belonged to the elite: the country ranked first in the world in this indicator. What was the Russian elite then? All the nobility with its unique culture, all the engineering and technical intelligentsia, all the Russian merchants, as well as all the brainy peasants and active philistines (whom Gorky later ridiculed in vain). After the revolution they were all destroyed.
For all the years of Soviet power, the technical intelligentsia was lowered below the plinth. I remember giving lectures at Omsk enterprises. One employee at the association. Baranova told me: "I am an engineer by training." - “Why don’t you work in your specialty?” - "What do you! I hide it! The salary of an engineer is 140 rubles. And as a turner on the machine, I earn 300 rubles. And sometimes all 350”.
At the genetic level, today the elite is not reproduced, the gene pool has been destroyed. Don't expect good fruit from a bad tree. In order for a country to emerge from the crisis, according to experts, it must have at least one percent of the elite. We have, according to experts, 0.8 percent of the national elite. It seems to be good. But who is included? Oligarchs who rob Russia. Government officials. Top officials. All of them are busy with only one thing: servicing themselves.
None of them says “Fatherland”, “Motherland” today. They call Russia "this country". These are temporary workers. Do they think to bring Russia out of the crisis? The question is rhetorical.
If we approach the situation that has developed in Russia from these positions, I see no way out. Complete desperation.

- So you do not see any hope for a brighter future?
- I see a small "hook": to restore the monarchy in Russia. Our country has always been and remains a monarchy - regardless of who was and is at the helm: Nicholas II, Lenin, Stalin or Putin. In the public-individual consciousness they are perceived as absolute monarchs. After all, if today the sewerage broke through, you need to run to Putin - this is what the people think ...

– And what would change?
– A moral symbol would appear in Russia. Today it is absolutely impossible for us to form a legal culture and legal consciousness, because there is not a single example ... I can’t tell students: kids, take an example from him ...

- And if the monarch is not the best example?
- The country can be led by a regency council.

– How do you feel about the fact that today President Putin is strengthening key positions in the country with security forces? This is also reflected in the Omsk government ...
- Are you talking about Bondarev? I was told that Bondarev is a specialist in the fight against corruption. This means that he corresponds to his position in our government.

- How do you assess the work of the government of Viktor Nazarov in general?
– I don’t know how to evaluate in general, I will say this: I am wary of this composition of the government. I was regularly invited there to celebrate the New Year. Moreover, they emphasized: we want to see people who have contributed to the development of the Omsk region. I never went - for the simple reason that even the first appointments became a kind of signal - what it will be like. Put Merenkov in charge of property relations, and appoint Hamburg, a man with such a scandalous past, deputy governor ... Well, how could I go there?
Even before my appointment as Prosecutor General, Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin "wooed" me to a variety of positions. “Not competent at this,” I explained. “You will figure it out very quickly,” the president urged. Once I had to tell him in my hearts: “I wouldn’t even appoint my own brother to the position if he weren’t a professional in these matters.” But is this what we do today?

What positions were offered to you?
- They offered - it's just scary - the post of chairman of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation. I refused because I had never practiced in this system. He refused another position - the head of the migration service - for other reasons. The presidential apparatus has already prepared a draft decree, and I asked: “Boris Nikolayevich, are funds allocated for the needs of internally displaced persons?” - "No, Alexei Ivanovich." “But they will hold rallies, demonstrations near my porch. What will I have to do, what will I tell people? “People love you very much. Go out to them not with money, but with a kind word, and that will be enough for them.” “But that won't be enough for me,” I said. “I won’t work like that.”

- This year in the Omsk government "there are no others, and those are far away" ...
- Each authority, like any person, has a certain reputation. And it's hard to change it. Extremely difficult.

– What are you doing today besides teaching, Alexei Ivanovich?
I'm preparing a textbook for printing. There are many things to do, ideas too, but I don’t feel like working a lot, to be honest. I still read constantly, communicate with my granddaughters. Last winter I visited Lake Baikal, which I walked around at the age of 21. I stood on the shore, looked sadly: and on the Baikal hills, near the village of Bolshie Koty, they had already built
cottages…

Elena Yarmizina

The material was prepared with the organizational and financial support of Omsktehuglerod LLC.
The opinion of the respondent may not coincide with the position of the editorial board and the rubric sponsor.

Kazannik Aleksey Ivanovich was born on July 26, 1941 in the village of Peresis, Gorodnyansky district, Chernihiv region of Ukraine, into a large peasant family. Father and two older brothers died during the Great Patriotic War. A mother with three remaining children managed to survive the occupation.

In 1959, after graduating from school, he left on a Komsomol ticket to build Magnitogorsk in Kazakhstan. There he worked as a carpenter in the construction department, as a carpenter at the construction of a metallurgical plant. After in 1959 he witnessed the dispersal of a demonstration of local workers who were on strike against rising prices and reducing labor rates, he became stronger in the desire to become a lawyer.

In 1963, after returning from the army, where he served in the engineering troops, he entered the law faculty of Irkutsk State University. Being a graduate student of the same university, he worked as an assistant, senior lecturer at the Department of State Law and Soviet Construction. He dealt with the problems of coordination in the system of local councils, first specializing in the constitutional law of foreign countries.

Later he moved to teaching at the Faculty of Law of Omsk State University. He was also a specialist in the field of environmental law as an assistant center of the department of labor, environmental and agricultural law.

In the 1970s, he was a lecturer in the Znaniye society and gave lectures at enterprises on environmental issues.

In 1979, shortly after the entry of Soviet troops into Afghanistan, in one of his lectures he gave a negative assessment of this event, which was the reason for his removal from public speaking.

From 1991 to 1993 - Head of the Department of State Law, Management and Soviet Construction of the Faculty of Law of the Omsk State University.

In 1970 he defended his Ph.D. thesis on the topic “The Coordinating Function of Local Soviets of Deputies, Working People in the Modern Period (Based on Materials from Eastern Siberia”). Doctor of Law, dissertation topic - "Regional problems of legal protection of nature in the USSR."

In the spring of 1989, he was nominated as a candidate for people's deputies of the USSR in the Omsk national-territorial district No. 22 (Omsk and Tyumen regions).

In the election program, he called for the abandonment of expensive projects and programs of the BAM level, spoke in favor of reducing the Armed Forces, and advocated the easing of tax policies in the agricultural sector. He also called for the development of a constitutional mechanism for removing the highest officials of the state from power in case they violate the Constitution and abuse their official position.

Having been elected a People's Deputy, he became a member of the Interregional Deputy Group. Since 1990, he was also a member of the For Radical Military Reform group.

At the First Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, after being elected to the Council of Nationalities of the Supreme Council, he made a statement about the refusal of this seat in favor of Boris Yeltsin.

In October 1991, at the V Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR, he ran for membership in the Constitutional Court, but was not elected. Then he was delegated by the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR as an observer to the Council of Republics of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR.

After being recalled from the union parliament in December 1991, he returned to scientific and pedagogical activities. In 1991-1993 he was the chairman of the Committee for Nationalities, Religions and Public Organizations of the Administration of the Omsk Region. During this period, he became the author of the idea of ​​\u200b\u200bcreating the Azov German National Region in the region.

In October 1993, he became co-chairman of the Omsk regional branch of the Russia's Choice movement.

On October 5, 1993, immediately after the dissolution of the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Council, by decree of President Boris Yeltsin, he was appointed Prosecutor General of the Russian Federation in violation of the Constitution. According to the Constitution in force at that time, only the Supreme Council could do this.

As Prosecutor General, Kazannik supervised the completion of the investigation of criminal cases related to the events of August 19-21, 1991 and the dispersal of the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Council in October 1993. He resigned on February 26, 1994 after he refused, contrary to Yeltsin's order, to interfere with the implementation of the State Duma's resolution on the amnesty of participants in the events of 1991 and 1993. Then he announced that he was forced to resign and expressed a desire to continue working, but after consultations with senators, he agreed to leave the post . Officially resigned as Prosecutor General on April 25, 1994.

From that moment on, he began to organize the People's Conscience Party, which actually existed only in Omsk.

In December 1995, he ran for the State Duma as a representative of the Workers' Self-Government Party, but it did not overcome the 5% barrier.

In March 1996, he was appointed Deputy Governor of the Omsk Region, Chairman of the Committee for National Politics, Religion and Public Associations of the Administration of the Omsk Region.

In May 2006, Kazannik was awarded the title of Honored Lawyer of the Russian Federation ().

Family status

Married, two sons. One of them, Dmitry, is the senior prosecutor of the department for supervision of the procedural activities of the bodies of the investigative committee of the prosecutor's office of the Omsk region.

Well-known Russian lawyer and politician, Doctor of Law (1991), professor, Prosecutor General of the Russian Federation (from September 1993 to February 1994). In the early 1990s, he was known for the fact that, being elected to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, he gave way to Boris Yeltsin, thereby influencing further events in the history of Russia.

Born on July 26, 1941 in the village of Peresis, Gorodnyansky district, Chernihiv region of Ukraine, in a large peasant family. Father and two older brothers died during the Great Patriotic War. A mother with three remaining children managed to survive the occupation. In 1959, after graduating from high school, on a Komsomol ticket, he left for the construction of Magnitogorsk in the city of Temirtau, Karaganda Region (Kazakh SSR), where he worked as a carpenter in the Zhilstroy construction department of the Kazmetallurgstroy trust: he worked as a carpenter at the construction of a metallurgical plant. In August 1959, he witnessed the dispersal of a demonstration of local workers who were on strike against rising food prices and reducing labor rates. According to him, these events strengthened his determination to become a lawyer. Since 1960, he served in the army in the engineering troops. In 1963 he entered the Faculty of Law of the Irkutsk State University, in 1968 he entered the graduate school of the same university; worked as an assistant, senior lecturer at the Department of State Law and Soviet Construction. He dealt with the problems of coordination in the system of local councils, first specializing in the constitutional law of foreign countries. Later, having moved to teaching at the Faculty of Law of Omsk State University, he was also a specialist in economic law as an associate professor at the Department of Labor, Economic and Agricultural Law (1975-1991). In the 1970s, he began to deal with environmental problems; during these years he was a lecturer in the Knowledge society, spoke at various enterprises dedicated to this topic. In 1979, shortly after the entry of Soviet troops into Afghanistan, in one of his lectures he gave this event a negative assessment, which was the reason for his removal from public speaking. From 1991 to 1993 - head of the department of state law, management and Soviet construction of the law faculty of Omsk State University (currently - the department of state and municipal law).

Political activity

In the spring of 1989, he was nominated as a candidate for people's deputies of the USSR in the Omsk national-territorial constituency No. 22 (Omsk and Tyumen regions). In his election program, he called for abandoning expensive programs (BAM, diverting the flow of northern rivers to the south, building giant hydroelectric power plants), and spoke in favor of reducing the Armed Forces (with the provision of firm social guarantees to retired military personnel). He proved to be an opponent of administrative pressure in agrarian policy and advocated the easing of tax policy in the agricultural sector, for long-term loans, the creation of a system of benefits and the stimulation of rent. He called for the development of a constitutional mechanism for the removal from power of the highest officials of the state in case they violate the Constitution and abuse their official position. He proposed to create a legislative framework for nature protection, to introduce paid environmental management and environmental education. After his election, he became a member of the Interregional Deputy Group, since 1990 he was also a member of the For Radical Military Reform group. During these years, he worked in the Committee of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR on Ecology and Rational Use of Natural Resources, was known as the main developer of the draft law "On the judicial responsibility of political parties and mass movements that have committed crimes against their people, peace and humanity." Aleksey Ivanovich considered it necessary to exercise control over the relevant ministries by the relevant commission of the Supreme Council, and spoke in favor of the right of the Congress and the Supreme Council to express no confidence in the government and individual ministers. At the I Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, after being elected to the Supreme Soviet, he made a statement about the refusal of this place in favor of B. N. Yeltsin. In October 1991, at the V Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR, he ran for membership in the Constitutional Court, but was not elected. In the same month, he was elected by the Russian Supreme Soviet to the new composition of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR.

After the liquidation of the union parliament, he returned to scientific and pedagogical activities. In 1992-1993 was the chairman of the Committee on Nationalities, Religions and Public Organizations of the Administration of the Omsk Region. He took part in the development of programs for the development of interethnic relations, as well as the economic and social revival of the Siberian Cossacks. He was the author of the idea of ​​creating the Azov German national region in the Omsk region, supported the transfer of all places of worship in the region to the ownership of the respective confessions. From February 1993 to February 1994 - a member of the Presidential Council, took part in the preparation of the 1993 referendum, as a competent specialist participated in the development of the chapters of the draft of the new Constitution of the Russian Federation corresponding to the profile of activity. During the constitutional crisis of 1993, he fully supported the actions of the President in his confrontation with the Supreme Council.

Prosecutor General of Russia

In October 1993, he became co-chairman of the Omsk regional branch of the Russia's Choice movement. On October 5, 1993, immediately after the dissolution of the Supreme Council, he was appointed Prosecutor General of the Russian Federation in accordance with the decree of President Boris N. Yeltsin. He replaced in this position V. G. Stepankov, who collaborated with the Supreme Soviet after the decree on its dissolution. Appointed on the recommendation of V. V. Ilyushin, who won the apparatus struggle with A. V. Korzhakov, who proposed A. N. Ilyushenko to the post. In this position, he led the completion of the investigation of criminal cases related to the attempted putsch in August 1991 and the coup d'état in October 1993. He resigned from office on February 26, 1994 after showing integrity and refusing (against Yeltsin's order and unprecedented pressure from his administration) to impede the implementation of the State Duma's resolution on the amnesty of participants in the events of 1991 and 1993. He stated that throughout his work in the prosecutor's office he experienced constant pressure and interference in the investigation of "political cases from above." However, taking advantage of the dispute on the delimitation of constitutional powers between the President and the Federal Assembly, he announced that he was forced to resign and expressed a desire to continue working, but after a month of consultations with senators, he agreed to resign. Officially dismissed by the decision of the Federation Council on April 25, 1994.

Since February 1994, he has been organizing the People's Conscience Party, which actually existed only in Omsk. Among the possible allies of his party, he named the Yavlinsky-Boldyrev-Lukin bloc and the St. Petersburg Regional Center Party. In April 1995, after the founding congress of the party, as its chairman, he announced that an agreement had been reached on cooperation to create a broad bloc of centrist forces with the Party of Workers' Self-Government S. N. Fedorov and the People's Party of Russia T. Kh. Gdlyan. In December 1995, he ran as a candidate for the State Duma of the 2nd convocation from the Workers' Self-Government Party (the party did not overcome the five percent barrier).

Personal data

In 1970 he defended his Ph.D. thesis on the topic "The Coordinating Function of Local Soviets of Working People's Deputies in the Modern Period (Based on Materials from Eastern Siberia)". Doctor of Law (1991, dissertation topic "Regional problems of legal protection of nature in the USSR"). The scientific problems of the works of A.I. Kazannik are extremely wide: in the 1960s. - Soviet state law, since the 1970s. - legal protection of nature. Today, his interests include the problems of the scientific organization of managerial work and office work in public institutions.

He has the title of "Honored Lawyer of the Russian Federation" (May 2006, "for merits in the development of legal science and the training of legal personnel")

Married, has two sons. He is fond of hiking, crossed the lake in a kayak. Baikal, reading classical literature.

(1941-07-26 ) (78 years old)
With. Census, Gorodnyansky district, Chernihiv region, Ukrainian SSR, USSR Education: Irkutsk State University Academic degree: Doctor of Law
Professor Profession: lawyer Awards:

Alexey Ivanovich Kazannik(born July 26, the village of Census of the Chernihiv region of the Ukrainian SSR) - Russian lawyer and politician, Doctor of Law (), Professor, Prosecutor General of the Russian Federation (from September to February), State Counselor of Justice 1st class (1993), Deputy Governor of the Omsk Region (from to year). In the early 1990s, he gained fame thanks to a gentlemanly act: being elected to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, he gave way to Boris Yeltsin. Honored Lawyer of the Russian Federation.

Biography

In his election program, he called for abandoning expensive programs (BAM, transferring the flow of northern rivers to the south, building giant hydroelectric power plants), spoke in favor of reducing the Armed Forces (with the provision of firm social guarantees to military personnel transferred to the reserve). He proved to be an opponent of administrative pressure in agrarian policy and advocated the easing of tax policy in the agricultural sector, for long-term loans, the creation of a system of benefits and the stimulation of rent. He called for the development of a constitutional mechanism for the removal from power of the highest officials of the state in case they violate the Constitution and abuse their official position. He proposed to create a legislative framework for nature protection, to introduce paid environmental management and environmental education.

After his election, he became a member of the Interregional Deputy Group, since 1990 he was also a member of the For Radical Military Reform group. During these years, he worked in the Committee of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR on Ecology and Rational Use of Natural Resources, was known as the main developer of the bill "On the judicial responsibility of political parties and mass movements that have committed crimes against their people, peace and humanity."

A. I. Kazannik considered it necessary to exercise control over the relevant ministries by the relevant commission of the Supreme Council, spoke in favor of the right of the Congress and the Supreme Council to express no confidence in the government and individual ministers. At the First Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, after being elected to the Council of Nationalities of the Supreme Soviet, he made a statement about the refusal of this seat in favor of B. N. Yeltsin. In October 1991, at the V Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR, he ran for membership in the Constitutional Court, but was not elected. In the same month he was delegated by the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR to the Council of Republics of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR.

After being recalled from the union parliament on December 12, 1991, he returned to scientific and pedagogical activities. In -1993 he was the chairman of the Committee on Nationalities, Religions and Public Organizations of the Administration of the Omsk Region. He took part in the development of programs for the development of interethnic relations, as well as the economic and social revival of the Siberian Cossacks. He was the author of the idea of ​​creating the Azov German national region in the Omsk region, supported the transfer of all religious buildings in the region to the ownership of the respective confessions.

Prosecutor General of the Russian Federation

In October 1993, he became co-chairman of the Omsk regional branch of the Russia's Choice movement.

In this position, he led the completion of the investigation of criminal cases related to the events of August 19-21, 1991 and the dispersal of the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Council in October 1993. He resigned from office on February 26, 1994 after showing integrity and refusing (against Yeltsin's order and unprecedented pressure from his administration) to impede the implementation of the State Duma's resolution on the amnesty of participants in the events of 1991 and 1993. He stated that throughout his work in the prosecutor's office he experienced constant pressure and interference in the investigation " political affairs from above". However, taking advantage of the dispute on the delimitation of constitutional powers between the President and the Federal Assembly, he announced that he was forced to resign and expressed a desire to continue working, however, after a month of consultations with senators, he agreed to resign. Officially dismissed by the decision of the Federation Council on April 25, 1994.

Party career

From February 1994, he was involved in the organization of the People's Conscience Party, which really existed only in Omsk. Among the possible allies of his party he named the Yavlinsky-Boldyrev-Lukin bloc and the St. Petersburg Regional Center Party.

Married, has two sons. He is fond of hiking, reading classical literature, swam across the lake in a kayak. Baikal.

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Notes

Predecessor: Acting State Counselor of Justice Valentin Georgievich Stepankov

Prosecutor General of the Russian Federation October 5 - February 26

Successor: state counselor of justice 1st class Alexey Nikolaevich Ilyushenko acting Yuri Ilyich Skuratov

An excerpt characterizing Kazannik, Alexei Ivanovich

As soon as Rostov had time to hand over the letter and tell the whole story of Denisov, quick steps with spurs pounded from the stairs and the general, moving away from him, moved to the porch. The gentlemen of the sovereign's retinue ran down the stairs and went to the horses. The landlord Ene, the same one who was in Austerlitz, brought the sovereign's horse, and on the stairs there was a slight creak of steps, which Rostov now recognized. Forgetting the danger of being recognized, Rostov moved with several curious residents to the very porch and again, after two years, he saw the same features he adored, the same face, the same look, the same gait, the same combination of greatness and meekness ... And a feeling of delight and love for the sovereign with the same strength resurrected in the soul of Rostov. The sovereign in the Preobrazhensky uniform, in white leggings and high boots, with a star that Rostov did not know (it was legion d "honneur) [star of the Legion of Honor] went out onto the porch, holding his hat under his arm and putting on a glove. He stopped, looking around and that's all illuminating his surroundings with his gaze. He said a few words to some of the generals. He also recognized the former head of the division Rostov, smiled at him and called him to him.
The whole retinue retreated, and Rostov saw how this general said something to the sovereign for quite some time.
The emperor said a few words to him and took a step to approach the horse. Again a crowd of retinues and a crowd of the street, in which Rostov was, moved closer to the sovereign. Stopping by the horse and holding the saddle with his hand, the emperor turned to the cavalry general and spoke loudly, obviously with a desire that everyone could hear him.
“I can’t, General, and therefore I can’t, because the law is stronger than me,” said the emperor and put his foot in the stirrup. The general bowed his head respectfully, the sovereign sat down and galloped down the street. Rostov, beside himself with delight, ran after him with the crowd.

On the square where the sovereign went, the battalion of the Preobrazhenians stood face to face on the right, the battalion of the French guards in bear hats on the left.
While the sovereign was approaching one flank of the battalions, which had made guard duty, another crowd of horsemen jumped to the opposite flank, and ahead of them Rostov recognized Napoleon. It couldn't be anyone else. He rode at a gallop in a small hat, with St. Andrew's ribbon over his shoulder, in a blue uniform open over a white camisole, on an unusually thoroughbred Arabian gray horse, on a crimson, gold embroidered saddle. Riding up to Alexander, he raised his hat, and with this movement, the cavalry eye of Rostov could not fail to notice that Napoleon was badly and not firmly sitting on his horse. The battalions shouted: Hurray and Vive l "Empereur! [Long live the Emperor!] Napoleon said something to Alexander. Both emperors got off their horses and took each other's hands. Napoleon had an unpleasantly fake smile on his face. Alexander with an affectionate expression said something to him .
Rostov did not take his eyes off, despite the trampling by the horses of the French gendarmes, besieging the crowd, followed every movement of Emperor Alexander and Bonaparte. As a surprise, he was struck by the fact that Alexander behaved as an equal with Bonaparte, and that Bonaparte was completely free, as if this closeness with the sovereign was natural and familiar to him, as an equal, he treated the Russian Tsar.
Alexander and Napoleon with a long tail of retinue approached the right flank of the Preobrazhensky battalion, right on the crowd that was standing there. The crowd unexpectedly found itself so close to the emperors that Rostov, who was standing in the front ranks of it, became afraid that they would not recognize him.
- Sire, je vous demande la permission de donner la legion d "honneur au plus brave de vos soldats, [Sir, I ask you for permission to give the Order of the Legion of Honor to the bravest of your soldiers,] said a sharp, precise voice, finishing each letter This was said by Bonaparte, small in stature, looking directly into Alexander's eyes from below.
- A celui qui s "est le plus vaillament conduit dans cette derieniere guerre, [To the one who showed himself the most bravely during the war]," Napoleon added, rapping out each syllable, with outrageous calmness and confidence for Rostov, looking around the ranks of Russians stretched out in front of him soldiers, keeping everything on guard and looking motionlessly into the face of their emperor.
- Votre majeste me permettra t elle de demander l "avis du colonel? [Your Majesty will allow me to ask the colonel's opinion?] - said Alexander and took a few hasty steps towards Prince Kozlovsky, the battalion commander. Meanwhile, Bonaparte began to take off his white glove, small hand and tearing it, he threw it in. The adjutant, hastily rushing forward from behind, picked it up.
- To whom to give? - not loudly, in Russian, Emperor Alexander asked Kozlovsky.
- Whom do you order, Your Majesty? The sovereign grimaced with displeasure and, looking around, said:
“Yes, you have to answer him.
Kozlovsky looked back at the ranks with a resolute look, and in this look captured Rostov as well.
“Is it not me?” thought Rostov.
- Lazarev! the colonel commanded, frowning; and the first-ranking soldier, Lazarev, briskly stepped forward.
– Where are you? Stop here! - voices whispered to Lazarev, who did not know where to go. Lazarev stopped, glancing fearfully at the colonel, and his face twitched, as happens with soldiers called to the front.
Napoleon slightly turned his head back and pulled back his small plump hand, as if wanting to take something. The faces of his retinue, guessing at the same moment what was the matter, fussed, whispered, passing something to one another, and the page, the same one whom Rostov had seen yesterday at Boris, ran forward and respectfully leaned over the outstretched hand and did not make her wait for a single moment. one second, put an order on a red ribbon into it. Napoleon, without looking, squeezed two fingers. The Order found itself between them. Napoleon approached Lazarev, who, rolling his eyes, stubbornly continued to look only at his sovereign, and looked back at Emperor Alexander, showing by this that what he was doing now, he was doing for his ally. A small white hand with an order touched the button of the soldier Lazarev. It was as if Napoleon knew that in order for this soldier to be happy, rewarded and distinguished from everyone else in the world forever, it was only necessary that Napoleon’s hand deign to touch the soldier’s chest. Napoleon only put the cross on Lazarev's chest and, letting go of his hand, turned to Alexander, as if he knew that the cross should stick to Lazarev's chest. The cross really stuck.
Helpful Russian and French hands, instantly picking up the cross, attached it to the uniform. Lazarev looked gloomily at the little man with white hands, who did something to him, and continuing to hold him motionless on guard, again began to look directly into Alexander's eyes, as if he was asking Alexander whether he was still to stand, or whether they would order him walk now, or maybe do something else? But nothing was ordered to him, and he remained in this motionless state for quite some time.
The sovereigns sat on horseback and left. The Preobrazhenians, upsetting their ranks, mingled with the French guards and sat down at the tables prepared for them.
Lazarev was sitting in a place of honor; he was embraced, congratulated and shook hands by Russian and French officers. Crowds of officers and people came up just to look at Lazarev. The buzz of Russian French and laughter stood in the square around the tables. Two officers with flushed faces, cheerful and happy, walked past Rostov.
- What, brother, treats? Everything is in silver,” said one. Have you seen Lazarev?
- Saw.
- Tomorrow, they say, the Preobrazhensky people will treat them.
- No, Lazarev is so lucky! 10 francs for life pension.
- That's the hat, guys! shouted the Preobrazhensky, putting on a Frenchman's shaggy hat.
- A miracle, how good, lovely!
Did you hear the feedback? said the Guards officer to another. The third day was Napoleon, France, bravoure; [Napoleon, France, courage;] yesterday Alexandre, Russie, grandeur; [Alexander, Russia, greatness;] one day our sovereign gives a review, and the other day Napoleon. Tomorrow the sovereign will send George to the bravest of the French guards. It's impossible! Should answer the same.
Boris and his comrade Zhilinsky also came to see the Preobrazhensky banquet. Returning back, Boris noticed Rostov, who was standing at the corner of the house.
- Rostov! hello; we didn’t see each other,” he told him, and could not help asking him what had happened to him: Rostov’s face was so strangely gloomy and upset.
“Nothing, nothing,” answered Rostov.
– Will you come?
- Yes, I will.
Rostov stood at the corner for a long time, looking at the feasters from afar. A painful work was going on in his mind, which he could not bring to the end. Terrible doubts arose in my heart. Then he remembered Denisov with his changed expression, with his humility, and the whole hospital with those torn off arms and legs, with this dirt and disease. It seemed to him so vividly that he now felt this hospital smell of a dead body that he looked around to understand where this smell could come from. Then he remembered this self-satisfied Bonaparte with his white pen, who was now the emperor, whom the emperor Alexander loves and respects. What are the severed arms, legs, murdered people for? Then he remembered the awarded Lazarev and Denisov, punished and unforgiven. He found himself thinking such strange thoughts that he was afraid of them.
The smell of Preobrazhensky food and hunger brought him out of this state: he had to eat something before leaving. He went to the hotel he had seen in the morning. In the hotel, he found so many people, officers, who, like him, arrived in civilian clothes, that he hardly managed to get dinner. Two officers from the same division as him joined him. The conversation naturally turned to the world. The officers, comrades of Rostov, like most of the army, were dissatisfied with the peace concluded after Friedland. They said that if they could hold on, Napoleon would have disappeared, that he had no crackers or charges in his troops. Nicholas ate in silence and mostly drank. He drank one or two bottles of wine. The inner work that arose in him, not being resolved, still tormented him. He was afraid to indulge in his thoughts and could not get behind them. Suddenly, at the words of one of the officers that it was insulting to look at the French, Rostov began to shout with fervor, which was not justified in any way, and therefore greatly surprised the officers.
“And how can you judge which would be better!” he shouted, his face suddenly flushed with blood. - How can you judge the actions of the sovereign, what right do we have to reason ?! We cannot understand either the purpose or the actions of the sovereign!
“Yes, I didn’t say a word about the sovereign,” the officer justified himself, who could not explain his temper to himself except by the fact that Rostov was drunk.
But Rostov did not listen.
“We are not diplomatic officials, but we are soldiers and nothing else,” he continued. - They tell us to die - so die. And if they are punished, it means that they are to blame; not for us to judge. It is pleasing to the sovereign emperor to recognize Bonaparte as emperor and conclude an alliance with him - then it must be so. Otherwise, if we began to judge and reason about everything, nothing sacred would remain that way. So we say that there is no God, there is nothing, - Nikolai shouted, striking the table, very inappropriately, according to the concepts of his interlocutors, but very consistently in the course of his thoughts.
“Our business is to do our duty, to fight and not to think, that’s all,” he concluded.
“And drink,” said one of the officers, who did not want to quarrel.
“Yes, and drink,” Nikolai picked up. - Hey, you! Another bottle! he shouted.

In 1808, Emperor Alexander went to Erfurt for a new meeting with Emperor Napoleon, and in the highest Petersburg society they talked a lot about the greatness of this solemn meeting.
In 1809, the proximity of the two rulers of the world, as Napoleon and Alexander were called, reached such a point that when Napoleon declared war on Austria that year, the Russian corps went abroad to assist their former enemy Bonaparte against their former ally, the Austrian emperor; to the point that in high society they talked about the possibility of a marriage between Napoleon and one of the sisters of Emperor Alexander. But, in addition to external political considerations, at that time the attention of Russian society with particular vivacity was drawn to the internal transformations that were being carried out at that time in all parts of the state administration.
Meanwhile, life, the real life of people with their essential interests of health, illness, work, recreation, with their own interests of thought, science, poetry, music, love, friendship, hatred, passions, went on, as always, independently and without political closeness or enmity with Napoleon Bonaparte, and beyond all possible transformations.
Prince Andrei lived without a break for two years in the countryside. All those enterprises on estates that Pierre started at home and did not bring to any result, constantly moving from one thing to another, all these enterprises, without showing them to anyone and without noticeable labor, were carried out by Prince Andrei.
He had in the highest degree that practical tenacity that Pierre lacked, which, without scope and effort on his part, gave movement to the cause.
One of his estates of three hundred souls of peasants was listed as free cultivators (this was one of the first examples in Russia), in others corvée was replaced by dues. In Bogucharovo, a learned grandmother was issued to his account to help women in childbirth, and the priest taught the children of peasants and yards to read and write for a salary.
One half of the time Prince Andrei spent in the Bald Mountains with his father and son, who was still with the nannies; the other half of the time in the Bogucharovo monastery, as his father called his village. Despite the indifference he showed to Pierre to all the external events of the world, he diligently followed them, received many books, and to his surprise noticed when fresh people from Petersburg, from the very whirlpool of life, came to him or to his father, that these people, in knowledge of everything that happens in foreign and domestic policy, they are far behind him, who is sitting all the time in the countryside.
In addition to classes on estates, in addition to general studies in reading a wide variety of books, Prince Andrei was at that time engaged in a critical analysis of our last two unfortunate campaigns and drawing up a project to change our military regulations and decrees.
In the spring of 1809, Prince Andrei went to the Ryazan estates of his son, whom he was the guardian of.

Kazannik Alexey Ivanovich

(26.07.1941). Prosecutor General of the Russian Federation from 05.10.1993 to 25.04.1994 Born in the village of Peresis, Chernihiv Oblast, Ukrainian SSR. Educated at the Faculty of Law of the Irkutsk State University (1968) and in graduate school (1970). Doctor of Law, Professor. After graduating from high school in 1959, on a Komsomol ticket, he left for Temir-Tau, to build the Kazakhstan Magnitka. He worked as a carpenter at the construction of a metallurgical plant. In August 1959, he witnessed the massacre of striking young workers, which strengthened his resolve to become a lawyer. Then he worked as a teacher, since 1975 as an associate professor, since 1991 as head of the Department of State Law, Management and Soviet Construction of Omsk State University. In 1979, in a public lecture, he disapproved of the entry of Soviet troops into Afghanistan, for which he was almost fired from the university. He did not join the CPSU, he said that Marxism-Leninism was an alien worldview for him. In 1989-1991 People's Deputy of the USSR. He became widely known after he, at the First Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, after being elected to the Supreme Soviet, made a statement about the refusal of this place in favor of B. N. Yeltsin. In 1992-1993 Professor of Omsk State University, Chairman of the Committee on Nationalities, Religions and Public Organizations of the Administration of the Omsk Region. Since February 1993, member of the Presidential Council. He took part in the preparation of the referendum in April 1993, in the development of the draft Constitution of the Russian Federation. In September 1993, he supported the signing by B. N. Yeltsin of Decree No. 1400 "On a phased constitutional reform", which dissolved the Congress of People's Deputies and the Soviets. In October 1993, he was elected co-chairman of the Omsk regional branch of the Russia's Choice movement. From 05.10.1993 Prosecutor General of the Russian Federation. He replaced V. G. Stepankov in this position. According to him, B. N. Yeltsin offered him the position of Prosecutor General back in 1990, before the appointment of V. G. Stepankov. He refused, saying that he was a scientist. BN Yeltsin was then offended. On 10/04/1993, B.N. Yeltsin called him in Omsk: “Alexey Ivanovich, we need maximum humanity, maximum justice, maximum legality. There is a lot of work now. In short, you are the Attorney General." A. I. Kazannik, not without coquetry: “Does it bother you that I have no experience?” They told him: no, it does not bother. The first flight flew to Moscow, where he was taken directly to the Kremlin. Appointed on the recommendation of V. V. Ilyushin, who won the apparatus struggle with A. V. Korzhakov, who promoted his protégé A. N. Ilyushenko to this position. V. V. Ilyushin reminded B. N. Yeltsin about the role of A. I. Kazannik in his life and that he was not yet in demand as a specialist. Nicknamed "Alien" for his biblical appearance. On November 23, 1993, he received an order from the Government of the Russian Federation (No. 2105-r), which allowed the “General Prosecutor's Office of the Russian Federation to provide employees of investigative and operational teams to investigate crimes committed on October 3-4, 1993 material assistance in the amount of 3 monthly salaries. The Ministry of Finance will allocate 116.7 million rubles for these purposes in 1993 from the republican budget of the Russian Federation. While working on the draft of the new Constitution of the Russian Federation, adopted on December 12, 1993, he did not agree with the chapter on the prosecutor's office, which deprived it of the function of general supervision. Sent a letter to B. N. Yeltsin with a demand to maintain "supervision over the implementation of laws and decrees of the President", as well as to take "measures to eliminate violations of laws and decrees of the President of the Russian Federation and bring those responsible to justice." B. N. Yeltsin wrote a resolution: “S. A. Filatov. Include in the draft Constitution. Later, A. I. Kazannik said that he experienced enormous pressure in the prosecutor’s office, constant interference from above: “Besides, at first I was perceived as a president’s man, something like an executioner with certain attitudes” (Trud. 01/19/1996). On February 23, 1994, the State Duma adopted a resolution “On Amnesty for Certain Crimes Committed in the Sphere of Political and Economic Activities”, which ordered the termination of all cases against persons prosecuted in connection with the events of August 1991 and autumn 1993 He publicly declared his disagreement with this resolution: "The act of political amnesty will forever remain one of the shameful pages in the history of national parliamentarism." Nevertheless, he refused to comply with B. N. Yeltsin's demand to suspend the amnesty: "The prosecutor is not empowered to suspend the amnesty act." According to B. N. Yeltsin, "the organizers of the putsch were released ahead of schedule from prison and slammed the door with a bang." On February 26, 1994, on Saturday, in the afternoon, A.I. Kazannik came to the Kremlin with several copies of his resignation letter. I left one copy in the reception room of V. V. Ilyushin. Then he went to Yu. M. Baturin, in whose office M. I. Barsukov, A. V. Korzhakov and G. A. Satarov came. They tried to convince the Prosecutor General of the need to suspend the execution of the State Duma's resolution on amnesty until a resolution on the procedure for its application was issued. It was agreed that A. I. Kazannik would sign a letter to the Duma with a request to adopt additional resolutions on the procedure for implementing amnesties. However, it was already too late. B. N. Yeltsin accepted the resignation of A. I. Kazannik and sent a letter to the Federation Council with a request to approve his resignation. However, he already regretted his impulsive decision and said that he was forced to do so. At a meeting of the Federation Council, he was asked to send a letter of resignation to the upper house. First he agreed, then he refused. The Kremlin feared that A. I. Kazannik might officially declare his intention to remain in the post of Prosecutor General. Minister of Internal Affairs VF Yerin ordered the police not to let AI Kazannik into the building of the Prosecutor General's Office. Attempts to connect by telephone with B. N. Yeltsin, S. A. Filatov, V. F. Shumeiko were unsuccessful. On March 12, 1994, the president sent a new letter to the upper house of parliament, in which the first paragraph of the previous decree on A.I. Kazannik was canceled. Since A. I. Kazannik was appointed Prosecutor General before the adoption of the new Constitution, according to which the approval and dismissal of the Prosecutor General was now carried out with the consent of the Federation Council, then, in the opinion of the President, the sanction of the upper chamber for the release of A. I. Kazannik is not required: the President appointed him by his decree, the President and withdrew by his decree. But the senators saw in the actions of B. N. Yeltsin an encroachment on their powers and demanded that the president again submit proposals for the resignation of A. I. Kazannik and the appointment of his successor A. N. Ilyushenko within a week. At the same time, the deputies of the Prosecutor General announced that if the Federation Council dismissed A.I. Kazannik from his post, they would resign. AI Kazannik returned to Moscow from Omsk, where he left after he submitted his resignation. According to the Omsk press, A.I. Kazannik flew home, to a modest apartment on the outskirts of the city, under a false name, in work clothes. He entered the aircraft cabin through the cockpit. In Omsk, he traveled accompanied by two guards from the Aktsiya company. On 04/06/1994, after a heated debate, the upper house of the Federal Assembly rejected the president's proposal to resign AI Kazannik. Inspired by the support of the senators, he announced that he agreed to retake the office of the Prosecutor General. And only after stubborn and lengthy negotiations with him and with the senators, he agreed to submit an official resignation to the Federation Council, which was granted on April 25, 1994. He really asked for the presidential house on Osennaya Street, where people close to B. N. Yeltsin settled. According to A. V. Korzhakov, even furniture worth almost 80 thousand “cu. e." brought it to one of the empty apartments: “But I didn’t unpack it, I was waiting for the president’s decision. And then there was an amnesty for participants in the events of 1993. Kazannik behaved strangely in this situation, in fact, let the president down, Yeltsin refused him an apartment ”(Korzhakov A.V. Boris Yeltsin: from dawn to dusk. M., 1997. P. 145). Since 1994, he has been working on the creation of the People's Conscience Party. In March 1995, he held a founding congress and was elected chairman of the People's Conscience Party, which exists only in the Omsk region. Since March 1995, one of the leaders of the Workers' Self-Government Party, created by the director of the MNTK "Eye Microsurgery" S. N. Fedorov. On September 2, 1995, he entered the list of candidates for deputies of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the second convocation from the electoral association "Party of Self-Government of Workers" under the second number, but it did not overcome the five percent barrier. Since March 1996, again the chairman of the Committee on Nationalities, Religion and Public Associations of the Administration of the Omsk Region, then the Deputy Head of the Administration of the Omsk Region for these issues. Married, two sons.