President of Honduras now. Coup d'état in Honduras
ALBA was created as a counterweight to the US-proposed and already “buried” All-American Free Trade Area (ALCA). The "Bolivarian Alternative" is based on the principle of solidarity and mutual assistance between Latin American countries.
This is what determined the choice of Honduras. The latest speeches by President Manuel Zelaya reveal the reasons why Honduras changed its foreign policy and abandoned the strategic alliance with the United States.
Opening events on the occasion of the 187th anniversary of the country's Independence, Zelaya called the entry into the "Bolivarian Alternative" the "second true independence" won by his country.
As you know, despite the faithful service of the United States, Honduras remains a very poor country. 70% of the 7.5 million people live below the poverty line. A small group of local wealthy people are US-oriented and operate in the interests of multinational companies. When Zelaya turned to the business circles of his country, to the US administration, to other international organizations that manage the world economy with a request to support his programs that would lead Honduras out of a protracted economic crisis and significantly raise the living standards of the bulk of the population, he did not find understanding!
“Six months ago,” Zelaya said, “fuel and medicine prices skyrocketed, the rich hardly noticed it, but it hit the poor hard. Seeing this, I began to look for a way out of this situation. The private sector of Honduras closed its doors to him. Then he went to the North (that is, to the USA), where there were “friends and allies who control the World Bank, the Inter-American Development Bank, the European Union”, etc.
Zelaya said the World Bank offered him $10 million to smooth out the crisis. The President of Honduras called this amount a "rachitic sop" in comparison with the needs of his country. "Well, in that case, we don't need the World Bank itself," Zelaya concluded.
It was this attitude of influential world institutions that forced the President of Honduras to turn to Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, which immediately alarmed both the private sector of the country and the world's potentialities, who had no doubt that Chavez, known for his generosity, would not refuse and spare no means to promote development Honduras. That's when a flurry of criticism fell on Celaya from all sides.
Predictably, the Venezuelan president took a liking to Honduras' problems and offered $300 million a year to be invested in agriculture. This was followed by the entry of Honduras into the Bolivarian Alternative.
Speaking at the ongoing UN General Assembly, the President of Honduras resolutely stated that from now on he completely rejects the “advice and recipes” of developing countries because of their uselessness for solving important problems: “We expected that we would be given an example of solidarity and responsibility, but if we were offered help only in exchange for supporting the neoliberal model that has exploited and bankrupted us.”
Latin American Socialism of the 21st century, in fact, was born from the complete rejection of the neoliberal economic model. "The time has come to look for another, different from the neoliberal, way for the development of mankind," Hugo Chavez has just said during a visit to France.
President of Honduras - Sephardic Ricardo Maduro - a member of a noble Jewish familyIn January 2002, Ricardo Maduro, as a result of democratic elections, was elected President of Honduras and sworn in 1 .
Maduro is the second Jewish president in the history of Honduras. In 1847, Juan Lindo, the son of the Spanish Jew Joaquin Ferdinandez Lindo, was elected to the same post. He was president until 1852 and became famous in the field of education - he created a well-functioning centralized system of public education, schools appeared in every village of the country.
Previously, in 1841 and 1842, Juan Lindo was President of El Salvador 2 . Before us is a rare historical fact - the same politician was president in two different states. In El Salvador, the memory of the pedagogical activity of Lindo, who founded the national university, remained.
Ricardo Maduro is not the first family member to hold the presidency. His distant relative Eric Arturo Delvalle was elected President of Panama in 1987 3 . At the end of his presidency, he brought a Torah scroll from Jerusalem and gave it to the Jewish-Portuguese synagogue in Panama City, of which he was a parishioner. His uncle Max Delvallier was President of Panama in 1969.
The Maduro family is one of the most famous and respected families in the Caribbean and Central America. Family members from generation to generation kept a detailed chronicle of events in the family. The first accurately established event dates back to 1512.
Antonio and Leonora Rois lived in Portugal and were considered Marranos 4 , but hid from the authorities their adherence to Judaism. Their son Diego added to the family name “Maduro”, which means “mature” in Spanish. Diego's son, Antonio Ruiz Maduro, was burnt at the stake by the Inquisition in the central square of the city of Coimbra in Portugal for "crimes against the Catholic faith and adherence to the Mosaic law." His wife managed to leave for France in 1618, where she openly declared her Jewish faith. Their daughter Clara took the name Rachel and in 1619 moved to Holland. Here she married Moshe Levy. Out of respect for his wife's family, Levy added "Maduro" to his last name.
Levi's grandson - Moshe Levi Maduro moved to the island of Curacao in 1672 5 . He served as cantor at the local synagogue. He began to buy various farms and export tropical fruits to Europe on his own ships. The well-being of the family, among other things, can be explained by the fact that its members had close ties and supported each other. The Maduro have always followed Jewish law and supported the synagogue in their area. The members of the dynasty made a name for themselves as writers and historians, many of them very wealthy people.
In 1916, the Maduro family founded a bank, which in 1932 merged with the bank of the Curiel family. The new Maduro and Curiel Bank became the largest bank in the Caribbean. The bank provided funds for Jewish Holocaust survivors who settled in the Caribbean and helped them build a new life.
Yossi Maduro from the island of Curaçao became famous as an outstanding intellectual, he founded and supported academic institutions. After the death of his son in a German concentration camp, he ceased his social activities.
George Levy Maduro was born in 1916. To get a law degree, he went to Holland, to the city of Leiden. When the Nazis attacked Holland in May 1940, he entered the Dutch army with the rank of captain, fought the Germans, was captured and died on February 9, 1945 in Dachau. To perpetuate his memory, his father donated money for the construction of the miniature town of Madurodam in The Hague. The money for the tickets sold in Madurodam goes to the fund for helping children with disabilities and chronics.
After the opening of the Panama Canal in 1914, economic activity in the Caribbean shifted. Members of the Maduro family began to move from Curaçao and Jamaica to Panama, where they soon occupied key economic positions. Some of the family members moved to Costa Rica, Honduras and Guatemala. All these countries cordially received the descendants of Spanish and Portuguese Jews. Within a short time, they infiltrated the social and economic life of these countries, and they began to play an active role in politics as well.
According to the opinions of Jews who came to Central America from Eastern Europe, Moshe Levi Maduro was a significant figure in the Jewish life of these countries.
One of the members of this family, Osmond Levi Maduro, who was born in Panama, moved with his family to Honduras. His son Ricardo was elected President of Honduras in 2002.
Notes
1. Honduras. State in Central America. Area - 112088 km 2, (over the territory 3.5 times larger than Belgium); population - about 5.650.000. Jews live about 150 people.
2. Salvador. State in Central America. Area - 21393 km 2, population - about 5.500.000.
3. Panama. State in Central America. Area - 75517 km 2, population - about 2.560.000. Jews live about 9250 people.
4. Marranos - Jews forcibly baptized in Spain and Portugal.
5. Curacao. Possession of Holland in the Lesser Antilles, off the coast of Venezuela. Area - 543 km 2, population - about 126666. The Sephardic Jewish settlement was founded in 1651 - one of the oldest communities in America. The cemetery, founded in 1659, is the oldest in America. There are about 450 Jews.
Information about the Jews is given in the book: The Jewish Yearbook 2000.5760-5761, London, 2000.
Used sources
Arbell, Mordehai. The Jewish Nation and the Caribbean, New York,
Gefen Publ. House, 2002. 384p.
Elkin, Judith Laikin. Jews in Latin American Republics. Chapel Hill.
The Univ. of North Carolina Press. 1980. 298p.
Italiander, Rolf. Juden in Late America. Tel Aviv. Olamenu. 1971. 79p.
Republic of Honduras: 09/29/1865 - present
| Period of government | Job Title | Supervisor | Years of life |
|---|---|---|---|
| 29.09 - 1.02 | interim president | Jose Maria Medina | 8.09.1826-1878 |
| 1.02 - 26.07 | the president | Jose Maria Medina | 8.09.1826-1878 |
| 12.05 - 26.07 uprising of Seleo Arias " | |||
| 26.07 1872 - 13.01 1874 | the president | Marco Celeo Arias | 1835-1890 |
| 13.01 1874 - 2.02 1875 | interim president | Ponciano Leiva Madrid | 1821-1896 |
| 2.02 1875 - 8.06 1876 | the president | Ponciano Leiva Madrid | 1821-1896 |
| 8.06 1876 - 12.06 1876 | interim president | Marcelino Mejia Serrano | ??? |
| 13.06 1876 - 12.08 1876 | the president | Cresensio Guimes | 1833-1921 |
| 12.08 1876 - 27.08 1876 | interim president | Jose Maria Medina | 8.09.1826-1878 |
| 27.08 1876 - 30.05 1877 | interim president | Marco Aurelio Soto | 13.11.1846-25.02.1908 |
| 30.05 1877 - 19.10 1883 | the president | Marco Aurelio Soto | 13.11.1846-25.02.1908 |
| 19.10 1883 - 30.11 1883 | cabinet minister | Louis Beaugrand | 1849-1895 |
| 19.10 1883 - 30.11 1883 | cabinet minister | Rafael Alvarado Manzano | 1836-1923 |
| 30.11 1883 - 30.11 1891 | the president | Louis Beaugrand Barahona | 3.06.1849-9.07.1895 |
| November 30, 1891 - August 7, 1893 | the president | Ponciano Leiva Madrid | 1821-1896 |
| August 7, 1893 - September 15, 1993 | and about. president | Domingo Vasquez | 1846-1909 |
| September 15, 1993 - February 22, 1894 | the president | Domingo Vasquez | 1846-1909 |
| 12/24/1893 - 02/22/1894 uprising of Policarpo Bonilla | |||
| 22.02 1894 - 1.02 1895 | interim president | Policarpo Bonilla | 17.03.1858-1926 |
| 1.02 1895 - 1.02 1899 | the president | Policarpo Bonilla | 17.03.1858-1926 |
| 1.02 1899 - 1.02 1903 | the president | Terenzio Sierra | 1839-1907 |
| 1.02 1903 - 18.02 1903 | and about. president | Juan Angel Arias Bokin | 1859-29.04.1929 |
| 18.02 1903 - 13.04 1903 | the president | Juan Angel Arias Bokin | 1859-29.04.1929 |
| 13.04 1903 - 25.02 1907 | the president | Manuel Bonilla | 7.06.1849-21.03.1913 |
| 25.02 1907 - 18.04 1907 | head of the junta | Miguel Okeli Bustillo | 1856-1938 |
| 18.04 1907 - 1.03 1908 | interim president | Miguel R. Davila Cuellar | 1856-12.10.1927 |
| 1.03 1908 - 21.03 1911 | the president | Miguel R. Davila Cuellar | 1856-12.10.1927 |
| 21.03 1911 - 1.02 1912 | and about. president | Francisco Bertrand | 1866-26.07.1926 |
| 1.02 1912 - 21.03 1913 | the president | Manuel Bonilla | 7.06.1849-1913 |
| March 21, 1913 - September 9, 1919 | the president | Francisco Bertrand | 1866-26.07.1926 |
| September 9, 1919 - September 16, 1919 | and about. president | Salvador Aguirre | 1862-1947 |
| September 16, 1919 - October 5, 1919 | and about. president | Vicente Mejia Colindres | 1878-24.08.1966 |
| 5.10 1919 - 1.02 1920 | and about. president | Francisco Bogran | 1852-1926 |
| 1.02 1920 - 13.06 1921 | the president | Rafael Lopez Gutierrez | 28.10.1855-21.12.1924 |
| 13.06 1921 - 7.02 1922 | head of state | Rafael Lopez Gutierrez | 28.10.1855-21.12.1924 |
| 7.02 1922 - 1.02 1924 | the president | Rafael Lopez Gutierrez | 28.10.1855-21.12.1924 |
| 1.02 1924 - 10.03 1924 | interim president | Rafael Lopez Gutierrez | 28.10.1855-21.12.1924 |
| 10.03 1924 - 27.04 1924 | and about. president | Francisco Bueso Cuellar | 1863-??? |
| March 19, 1924 US capture | |||
| 27.04 1924 - 30.04 1924 | leader of the Liberation Revolution | Tiburcio Carias Andino | 15.03.1876-23.12.1969 |
| 30.04 1924 - 1.02 1925 | interim president | Vicente Tosta Carrasco | 27.10.1885-1930 |
| 1.02 1925 - 1.02 1929 | the president | Miguel Paz Barahona | 1863-1937 |
| 1.02 1929 - 1.02 1933 | the president | Vincete Mejia Colindres | 1878-1966 |
| 1.02 1933 - 1.02 1949 | the president | Tiburcio Carias Andino | 15.03.1876-23.12.1969 |
| 1.02 1949 - 5.12 1954 | the president | Juan Manuel Galvez Duron | 10.06.1887-20.08.1972 |
| 5.12 1954 - 21.10 1956 | head of state | Julio Lozano Diaz | 27.03.1885-20.08.1957 |
| 21.10 1956 - 5.07 1957 | Roque Jacinto Rodriguez Herrera | 1898-1981 | |
| 21.10 1956 - 21.12 1957 | member of the Military Government Council | Hector Carassioli | 1922-1975 |
| 21.10 1957 - 16.11 1957 | member of the Military Government Council | Roberto Galvez Barnes | 1925-1995 |
| 16.11 1957 - 21.12 1957 | member of the Military Government Council | 30.6.1921-16.5.2010 | |
| 21.12 1957 - 3.10 1963 | the president | Ramon Villeda Morales | 26.11.1908-8.10.1971 |
| 3.10 1963 - 6.06 1965 | head of the military junta | Osvaldo Enrique López Arellano | 30.6.1921-16.5.2010 |
| 6.06 1965 - 7.06 1971 | the president | Osvaldo Enrique López Arellano | 30.6.1921-16.5.2010 |
| 7.06 1971 - 4.12 1972 | the president | Ramon Ernesto Cruz Ucles | 4.01.1903-6.08.1985 |
| 4.12 1972 - 22.04 1975 | head of state | Osvaldo Enrique López Arellano | 30.6.1921-16.5.2010 |
| 22.04 1975 - 7.08 1978 | head of state | Juan Alberto Melgar Castro | 26.06.1930-2.12.1987 |
| 7.08 1978 - 25.07 1980 | head of the junta | Policarpo Paz Garcia | 7.12.1932-19.04.2000 |
| 25.07 1980 - 27.01 1982 | interim president | Policarpo Paz Garcia | 7.12.1932-19.04.2000 |
| 28.01 1982 - 27.01 1986 | the president | Roberto Suazo Cordova | 17.03.1927 |
| 28.01 1986 - 27.01 1990 | the president | Jose Simon Ascona Hoyo | 26.01.1927-2005 |
| 28.01 1990 - 27.01 1994 | the president | Rafael Leonardo Callejas Romero | 14.11.1943-… |
| 28.01 1994 - 27.01 1998 | the president | Carlos Roberto Reina Idiaquez | 13.03.1926-19.08.2003 |
| 28.01 1998 - 27.01 2002 | the president | Carlos Robert Flores | 1.03.1950-… |
| 28.01 2002 - 27.01 2006 | the president | Ricardo Rodolfo Maduro Hoest | 20.04.1946-… |
| 28.01 2006 - 28.06 2009 | the president | Manuel Celaya | 20.09.1952-… |
| 28.06 2009 - 27.01 2010 | and about. president | Roberto Micheletti | 13.08.1948-… |
| 27.01 - 27.01.2014 | the president | Porfirio Lobo | 22.12.1947-… |
| 01/27/2014 - present | the president | Juan Orlando Hernandez | 28.10.1968-… |
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An excerpt characterizing the List of Presidents of Honduras
It would seem that in this campaign of the flight of the French, when they did everything that was possible to destroy themselves; when there was not the slightest sense in any movement of this crowd, from the turn to the Kaluga road to the flight of the chief from the army, it would seem that during this period of the campaign it is already impossible for historians who attribute the actions of the masses to the will of one person to describe this retreat in their meaning. But no. Mountains of books have been written by historians about this campaign, and everywhere Napoleon's orders and his thoughtful plans are described - the maneuvers that led the army, and the brilliant orders of his marshals.Retreat from Maloyaroslavets when he is given a road to a rich land and when that parallel road is open to him, along which Kutuzov later pursued him, an unnecessary retreat along a ruined road is explained to us for various profound reasons. For the same profound reasons, his retreat from Smolensk to Orsha is described. Then his heroism at Krasny is described, where he is supposedly preparing to accept the battle and command himself, and walks with a birch stick and says:
- J "ai assez fait l" Empereur, il est temps de faire le general, [I've already represented the emperor enough, now it's time to be a general.] - and, despite the fact, immediately after that he runs further, leaving scattered parts of the army behind.
Then they describe to us the greatness of the soul of the marshals, especially Ney, the greatness of the soul, consisting in the fact that at night he made his way through the forest around the Dnieper and without banners and artillery and without nine-tenths of the troops ran to Orsha.
And, finally, the last departure of the great emperor from the heroic army is presented to us by historians as something great and brilliant. Even this last act of flight, in human language called the last degree of meanness, which every child learns to be ashamed of, and this act in the language of historians is justified.
When it is no longer possible to stretch further such elastic threads of historical reasoning, when the action is already clearly contrary to what all mankind calls good and even justice, historians have a saving concept of greatness. Greatness seems to exclude the possibility of a measure of good and bad. For the great - there is no bad. There is no horror that can be blamed on one who is great.
- "C" est grand! [This is majestic!] - say historians, and then there is no longer either good or bad, but there is “grand” and “not grand”. Grand is good, not grand is bad. Grand is a property, according to their concepts, of some special animals they call heroes. And Napoleon, getting home in a warm fur coat from dying not only comrades, but (in his opinion) people brought here by him, feels que c "est grand, and his soul is at peace.
“Du sublime (he sees something sublime in himself) au ridicule il n "y a qu" un pas, ”he says. And the whole world repeats for fifty years: “Sublime! Grand! Napoleon le grand! Du sublime au ridicule il n "y a qu" un pas. [majestic... There is only one step from majestic to ridiculous... Majestic! Great! Great Napoleon! From majestic to ridiculous, only a step.]
And it would never occur to anyone that the recognition of greatness, immeasurable by the measure of good and bad, is only the recognition of one's insignificance and immeasurable smallness.
For us, with the measure of good and bad given to us by Christ, there is nothing immeasurable. And there is no greatness where there is no simplicity, goodness and truth.
Which of the Russian people, reading the descriptions of the last period of the 1812 campaign, did not experience a heavy feeling of annoyance, dissatisfaction and ambiguity. Who did not ask themselves questions: how they did not take away, did not destroy all the French, when all three armies surrounded them in superior numbers, when the frustrated French, starving and freezing, surrendered in droves, and when (as history tells us) the goal of the Russians was precisely that, to stop, cut off and take prisoner all the French.
How did the Russian army, which, weaker in number than the French, gave the Battle of Borodino, how did this army, which surrounded the French on three sides and had the goal of taking them away, not achieve its goal? Do the French really have such a huge advantage over us that we, having surrounded them with superior forces, could not beat them? How could this happen?
History (the one that is called by this word), answering these questions, says that this happened because Kutuzov, and Tormasov, and Chichagov, and that one, and that one did not make such and such maneuvers.
But why didn't they do all these maneuvers? Why, if they were to blame for the fact that the intended goal was not achieved, why were they not tried and executed? But even if we admit that Kutuzov and Chichagov, etc., were to blame for the failure of the Russians, it is still impossible to understand why, even in the conditions in which the Russian troops were near Krasnoye and near the Berezina (in both cases, the Russians were in excellent forces), why was the French army not taken prisoner with marshals, kings and emperors, when this was the goal of the Russians?
The explanation of this strange phenomenon by the fact (as Russian military historians do) that Kutuzov prevented the attack is unfounded, because we know that Kutuzov's will could not keep the troops from attacking at Vyazma and Tarutino.
Why was the Russian army, which with the weakest forces defeated the enemy in all its strength near Borodino, near Krasnoye and the Berezina in superior strength, was defeated by the frustrated crowds of the French?
If the goal of the Russians was to cut off and capture Napoleon and the marshals, and this goal was not only not achieved, and all attempts to achieve this goal were destroyed every time in the most shameful way, then the last period of the campaign is quite rightly presented by the French side by side victories and is completely unfairly presented by Russian historians as victorious.
Russian military historians, as much as logic is obligatory for them, involuntarily come to this conclusion and, despite lyrical appeals about courage and devotion, etc., must involuntarily admit that the French retreat from Moscow is a series of Napoleon's victories and Kutuzov's defeats.
But, leaving the people's pride completely aside, one feels that this conclusion in itself contains a contradiction, since a series of French victories led them to complete annihilation, and a series of Russian defeats led them to the complete annihilation of the enemy and the purification of their fatherland.
The source of this contradiction lies in the fact that historians who study events from the letters of sovereigns and generals, from reports, reports, plans, etc., have assumed a false, never existing goal of the last period of the war of 1812 - a goal that allegedly consisted in was to cut off and capture Napoleon with his marshals and army.
This goal has never been and could not be, because it had no meaning, and its achievement was completely impossible.
This goal did not make any sense, firstly, because the frustrated army of Napoleon fled from Russia with all possible speed, that is, it fulfilled the very thing that every Russian could wish for. What was the purpose of doing various operations on the French, who were running as fast as they could?
Secondly, it was pointless to stand in the way of people who had directed all their energy to flee.
Thirdly, it was pointless to lose their troops to destroy the French armies, which were being destroyed without external causes in such a progression that, without any blocking of the path, they could not transport more than what they transferred in the month of December, that is, one hundredth of the entire army, across the border.
Fourthly, it was pointless to want to capture the emperor, kings, dukes - people whose captivity would have made the actions of the Russians extremely difficult, as the most skillful diplomats of that time (J. Maistre and others) recognized. Even more senseless was the desire to take the French corps, when their troops melted half to the Red, and the divisions of the convoy had to be separated from the corps of prisoners, and when their soldiers did not always receive full provisions and the prisoners already taken were dying of hunger.
The whole thoughtful plan to cut off and catch Napoleon with the army was similar to the plan of a gardener who, driving the cattle that had trampled his ridges out of the garden, would run to the gate and begin to beat this cattle on the head. One thing that could be said in defense of the gardener would be that he was very angry. But this could not even be said about the compilers of the project, because it was not they who suffered from the trampled ridges.
But besides the fact that cutting off Napoleon with the army was pointless, it was impossible.
It was impossible, firstly, because, since experience shows that the movement of columns over five miles in one battle never coincides with plans, the probability that Chichagov, Kutuzov and Wittgenstein converged on time at the appointed place was so negligible that it was equal to impossibility, as Kutuzov thought, even when he received the plan, he said that sabotage over long distances did not bring the desired results.
Secondly, it was impossible because, in order to paralyze the force of inertia with which Napoleon's army was moving back, it was necessary, without comparison, larger troops than those that the Russians had.
Thirdly, it was impossible because the military word to cut off does not make any sense. You can cut off a piece of bread, but not an army. It is absolutely impossible to cut off the army - to block its way, because there are always a lot of places around where you can get around, and there is a night during which nothing is visible, which military scientists could be convinced of even from the examples of Krasnoy and Berezina. It is impossible to take prisoner without the one being taken prisoner not agreeing to it, just as it is impossible to catch a swallow, although you can take it when it sits on your hand. You can capture someone who surrenders, like the Germans, according to the rules of strategy and tactics. But the French troops quite rightly did not find this convenient, since the same starvation and cold death awaited them on the run and in captivity.
Earlier this year, unpopular Honduran President Manuel Zelaya tabled a decision to hold a referendum as a first step towards drafting a new constitution. The idea of a referendum met with strong rejection: the Congress of Honduras, the Supreme Court and the military declared it illegal. Zelaya removed the commander of the armed forces of Honduras for refusing to support the holding of a referendum, but the Supreme Court considered this resignation illegal and reinstated General Romeo Velazquez. On Sunday, June 28, the military, on the orders of the Supreme Court, broke into the presidential residence, arrested President Zelaya and took him by plane to Costa Rica. The head of the Congress, Roberto Micheletti assumed the role of acting president of the country. Events like this led to a split within society, and Hondurans took to the streets, speaking out both in support of Zelaya and against his return. The international reaction was unanimously negative, what happened was assessed as a coup d'état by the UN, the Organization of American States, the USA and all the countries of Latin America.
1) Supporters of deposed Honduran President Manuel Zelaya during a clash with soldiers near the presidential residence in Tegucigalpa, on Monday, June 29, 2009. Police used tear gas to contain the pressure of several thousand people who had gathered at the captured presidential residence. (AP Photo/Esteban Felix)
2) President of Honduras Manuel Zelaya (center right, wearing a cowboy hat) and a group of his supporters during the entry into the air base in Tegucigalpa, on Thursday, June 25, 2009. Previously, the country's Supreme Court ordered the police to remove all election materials that were intended for use in the planned constitutional referendum, and send them to an air force base for storage. However, President Zelaya and his supporters went to the military base and took the ballots and other materials, loaded them onto military trucks and took them to an unknown destination. (AP Photo/Diario La Prensa
3) Honduran President Manuel Zelaya watches as his supporters pick up boxes of voting materials at the Tegucigalpa air force base on Thursday, June 25, 2009. The materials were for a planned constitutional referendum that was ruled illegal by the Supreme Court, Congress and the military. (AP Photo)
4) The military take positions and surround the residence of President Manuel Zelaya in Tegucigalpa on June 28, 2009. Zelaya was later arrested by the military. (ORLANDO SIERRA/AFP/Getty Images)
5) The military breaks into the presidential residence in Tegucigalpa on Sunday, June 28, 2009. More than a dozen soldiers arrested President Manuel Zelaya and disarmed his guards. (AP Photo/Esteban Felix)
6) Soldiers patrol the presidential residence in Tegucigalpa on June 29, 2009. (REUTERS/Edgard Garrido) #
7) Soldiers gather in Libertad Square near the presidential house as demonstrators protest against the arrest and exile of President Manuel Zelaya in Tegucigalpa on Monday, June 29, 2009. (AP Photo/Esteban Felix) #
8) Riot police disperse supporters of the ousted Honduran president outside the presidential residence in Tegucigalpa on Monday, June 29, 2009. (AP Photo/Esteban Felix) #
Supporters of Manuel Zelaya protest a coup d'état near the presidential residence in Tegucigalpa on June 28, 2009. (ORLANDO SIERRA/AFP/Getty Images) #
10) Supporters of the ousted president are sprayed with red water from a water cannon in Tegucigalpa on June 29, 2009. (ORLANDO SIERRA/AFP/Getty Images) #
11) Protesters throw stones at soldiers and police during clashes outside the presidential residence in Tegucigalpa on June 29, 2009. (Jose CABEZAS/AFP/Getty Images) #
12) Soldiers during clashes with supporters of the deposed President of Honduras in Tegucigalpa, on Monday, June 29, 2009. (AP Photo / Eduardo Verdugo)
13) Soldiers hold at gunpoint supporters of the deposed president of Honduras near the presidential residence in Tegucigalpa, Monday, June 29, 2009. (AP Photo/Eduardo Verdugo) #
Government soldiers cover themselves with shields during clashes with Manuel Zelaya supporters near the presidential residence in Tegucigalpa on June 29, 2009. (ORLANDO SIERRA/AFP/Getty Images) #
15) Soldiers surround a small group of supporters of the ousted president outside the president's residence in Tegucigalpa on Monday, June 29, 2009. (AP Photo/Eduardo Verdugo) #
16) A supporter of Manuel Zelaya throws a stone at soldiers and police near the presidential residence in Tegucigalpa, on Monday, June 29, 2009. (AP Photo/Dario Lopez-Mills) #
Soldiers cover themselves with shields during a skirmish with Manuel Zelaya supporters in Tegucigalpa on Monday, June 29, 2009. (AP Photo/Dario Lopez-Mills) #
18) A soldier fires on supporters of Manuel Zelaya during protests in Tegucigalpa on June 29, 2009. (REUTERS/Oswaldo Rivas (HONDURAS POLITICS CONFLICT) #
Supporter Manuel Zelaya throws tear gas back at soldiers outside the presidential residence in Tegucigalpa on Monday, June 29, 2009. (AP Photo/Dario Lopez-Mills) #
20) A protester rushes at soldiers in Tegucigalpa on June 29, 2009. (Jose CABEZAS/AFP/Getty Images) #
21) Honduran riot police beat demonstrators during clashes in Tegucigalpa on June 29, 2009. (Jose CABEZAS/AFP/Getty Images) #
22) Police surrounded AP photographer Dario Lopez-Mills after he took several shots of police shooting supporters of the ousted president in Tegucigalpa on June 29, 2009. Lopez-Mills was not injured during the incident. . (REUTERS/Oswaldo Rivas)
23 A demonstrator lies on the ground asking for help during clashes between the army and supporters of the ousted president in Tegucigalpa on June 29, 2009. (ORLANDO SIERRA/AFP/Getty Images) #
24) Manuel Zelaya, deposed president of Honduras, speaks at the UN General Assembly on Tuesday, June 30, 2009. (AP Photo/Yanina Manolova) #
25) The commander of the armed forces of Honduras, the Chief of the General Staff, General Romeo Vazquez, previously dismissed by the President of Honduras Manuel Zelaya for refusing to support the referendum, and then reinstated by the Supreme Court, is photographed during a protest demonstration in Tegucigalpa on Friday, June 26, 2009. (AP Photo/Esteban Felix)
26) Soldiers read a newspaper outside the presidential residence in Tegucigalpa on Tuesday June 30, 2009, the day after the outbreak of violence in the area. (AP Photo/Eduardo Verdugo)
27) Thousands protested against the return of the deposed President of Honduras in the city of San Pedro Sula, Honduras, Thursday, July 2, 2009. (AP Photo/Diario La Prensa de San Pedro Sula) #
28) Supporters of the ousted Honduran president take part in a rally protesting a military coup in Tegucigalpa on July 1, 2009. (Jose CABEZAS/AFP/Getty Images) #
29) Soldiers stand in front of a hotel near the presidential residence in Tegucigalpa on Wednesday, July 1, 2009. (AP Photo/Dario Lopez-Mills) #
30) An officer carries bread for his soldiers, who currently stand outside the presidential residence in Tegucigalpa on July 1, 2009. (ORLANDO SIERRA/AFP/Getty Images) #
31) Supporters of Manuel Zelaya hold a plainclothes secret police officer who was found among a crowd of protesters and show his badge and weapon. Tegucigalpa July 1, 2009. (ELMER MARTINEZ/AFP/Getty Images) #
32) A soldier and a police officer lead away supporter (supporter?) Manuel Zelaya in San Pedro Sula, Honduras, on Thursday, July 2, 2009. (AP Photo/Diario La Prensa de San Pedro Sula) #
33) Soldiers behind shields outside the National Congress building in Tegucigalpa on July 1, 2009. (REUTERS/Edgard Garrido (HONDURAS CONFLICT POLITICS) #
34) Supporters of ousted President Manuel Zelaya yell at soldiers guarding a government building during a protest in Tegucigalpa on Wednesday, July 1, 2009. (AP Photo/Esteban Felix) #
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