Daily life during the occupation. Boris Kovalev - daily life of the population of Russia during the Nazi occupation

Dmitry Karov arrived in Soviet occupied territory in August 1941. On it, he found people embittered at Stalin and the NKVD, most of them easily agreed to work for Germany. Also actively former Soviet people began to build people's capitalism under the Germans. All this is reminiscent of Yeltsin's Russia in the early 1990s.

Karov (Kandaurov) Dmitry Petrovich (1902-1961) - an officer of the Abwehr (1941-1944) and the Armed Forces of the KONR (1945). Left Russia in 1919. Since 1920 - in Paris. He graduated from the Russian gymnasium, university. In the summer of 1940, he left for employment in Germany, worked as a translator at an aircraft engine plant in Hannover. At the end of 1940, he agreed to work in German intelligence agencies until the creation of an independent Russian state. With the outbreak of war with the USSR, he was assigned to a naval intelligence unit. Since December 1941 - in the service in the department Ic of the headquarters of the 18th Army (Army Group North). In the 1950s, an employee of the Institute for the Study of the History and Culture of the USSR (Munich).

Compiled in 1950 the memoirs "Russians in the Service of German Intelligence and Counterintelligence", a typewritten version. For the first time, part of the memoirs is published in the book “Under the Germans” (Encyclopedic Department of the Institute of Philology of the Philological Faculty of St. Petersburg State University). The Interpreter's Blog reproduces part of this diary.

Kingisepp

The detachment went to Russia, closer to the front. I was excited, thinking that now I would get into the real Russia, which I left in 1919. We saw the ditch, and Captain Babel, stopping the car, said: “This is the border, this is your homeland” - and looked at me expectantly. Later, he told how the Russian officers of the Wehrmacht reacted. One, getting out of the car, began to kiss the ground, kneeling. Another announced that he would spend the night in the forest to listen to Russian nightingales. The third showed patriotism by putting Russian soil into bags in order to send it to Paris. I did not have a character capable of such scenes, and Captain Babel was disappointed with me.

We arrived at the village of Glinka. On the way we met a detachment of Soviet cavalry. He was accompanied by several German artillerymen. They explained to me that they were taking prisoners to the camp. When I asked if they were afraid that the cavalrymen would run away, the artilleryman answered me that the entire detachment had surrendered voluntarily, having previously killed its superiors.

The village of Glinka was a Strover village. I soon became acquainted with all the burgomasters of the district. All of them were elderly, believing in God. Under Soviet rule, they were all persecuted and imprisoned. The entire population was afraid that the Germans would leave and the Soviets would come again.

My first agent was the elderly peasant Semyon. He said that he would work, because he believed that the communists should be destroyed by all possible means, but he did not want to receive money for this, since it was a sin.

A translator familiar to me from Riga created a detachment of Soviet prisoners of war. He said that the soldiers did not want to fight for Stalin, but were afraid of German captivity. The common dream was, having driven the Germans out of Russia, to kill the Stalinists and the Communists, to establish freedom, and most importantly, to destroy the collective farms.

The agents, without exception, were all volunteers and could at any time refuse to work, and in this case they were provided with good places in the rear. The only exceptions were agents who received the task and did not complete it. These were sent to special camps near Koenigsberg, which were called "camps for those who know secret things" and in which the prisoners were treated very well: they received military rations, a lot of cigarettes, there was a library in the camp; prisoners lived 3-4 people in a room and had the opportunity to walk in the garden.

Having crossed the front three times, it was possible to retire to the deep rear. For the most part, people from 30 to 40 years old, brave, but not fond of risking their lives, agreed to this. But all intelligence officers hated the Soviet regime.

A typical example is a woman named Zhenya. She commanded a detachment in Krasnogvardeysk (Gatchina). She was 26 years old, before the war she lived in Leningrad, worked as a sex girl in the NKVD and did a little prostitution. She was sent through the front in early September 1941, she immediately appeared at the Severskaya commandant's office and offered to work as an agent for the Germans. She explained this by the fact that she was terribly tired of life in the USSR with its dullness and boredom, and she was sure that with her good work she would be able to earn her trust, and after the end of the war - a prosperous life abroad. In 1943, Zhenya asked to be released from service, motivating her request with great fatigue, and sent to live in Germany. Her request was fulfilled, and in addition, she received a large cash award Zhenya and now (1950) lives in Germany, has a well-established and profitable lingerie store.

Chudovo

At the beginning of April 1942 I arrived in Chudovo. 10 thousand civilians lived in it. It was run by a chosen Russian burgomaster. A big crook and speculator, but an intelligent and energetic person, he performed his duties well, in which he was assisted by 6 elected burgomasters who sat at the head of the districts. There were Russian police and a fire brigade in Chudovo.

Worst of all lived the intelligentsia of Chudov, who had previously served in Soviet institutions. The population considered them parasites, and no one wanted to help them. For the most part, the intelligentsia was nasty and self-confident, but anti-Soviet minded. They did not want the monarchy, nor did they want Stalin. Lenin and NEP - that was their ideal.

The merchants and artisans lived very well. I was amazed at the ingenuity they displayed. I saw a ladies' dress workshop. Others opened restaurants and tea houses. There were furriers, goldsmiths and silversmiths. All the merchants hated the Soviet government and wanted only freedom of trade. The Soviet officials of the NKVD, with whom I spoke during interrogations, said that after the peasantry, the workers hated Stalin most of all and that the secret police of the NKVD were often killed in factories. Artisans in Chudovo lived well. Watchmakers, shoemakers, tailors were overwhelmed with work.

The clergy who lived in the city were Orthodox and Old Believers. The old believers were universally respected and were well-read and fair people. Orthodox priests, however, were not distinguished by special respect from the population. They didn't impress me either. The priest and the deacon recruited by my agents worked poorly, studied reluctantly, but they constantly demanded remuneration.

Vitebsk

I was transferred here in 1943. At the head of Vitebsk was a Russian burgomaster, a man of about 30 years old. He pretended to be a Belarusian patriot and therefore, in the presence of the Germans, he spoke only Belarusian, and the rest of the time he spoke Russian. He had more than 100 officials, he was also subordinate to the external and criminal police. The Germans did not interfere in the affairs of the police and city self-government, but they did not help in any way, leaving the residents themselves to take care of food, firewood, etc.

Trade flourished surprisingly: shops and stores were everywhere. Entrepreneurial merchants "in a black way" traveled from Vitebsk to Germany, Poland, Austria, while others traveled to the west, buying goods there, which they briskly traded at home. In circulation were German marks (real and occupation), Russian rubles (paper and gold - the latter, to my surprise, there were a lot).

There were 2 or 3 hospitals in the city, run due to lack of funds, but with very good doctors, whom the Germans constantly invited for consultations. There were also several very good and expensive private hospitals, which served mainly speculators.

At the main station, always - day and night - a crowd of people crowded, and it was a bazaar. Everyone bought and sold. German soldiers on their way home bought food here. And drunken Cossacks from anti-partisan detachments, who had come to rest in the city, walked around. There were porters and cabbies in front of the station, as well as lively young people offering transportation in German cars belonging to state institutions and standing with their German drivers on neighboring streets waiting for customers (however the police did not fight this phenomenon, they could not do anything: it was too painful German drivers loved vodka). Moving a little further from the station, I was struck by the abundance of teahouses and small cellar restaurants. The prices were high, but all these establishments were full of people and everywhere they drank vodka (Polish), moonshine, German beer and Baltic fruit wine. The food in these restaurants was also plentiful.

In Vitebsk there were also brothels, and separately for Germans and Russians. Terrible fights often took place there: the Russians stormed brothels for the Germans. There were cinemas, only films in them were German, but, however, with Russian signatures. There were also two Russian theaters that were very successful. In many cafes and restaurants, dances were held in the evenings.

In addition to the many German soldiers, there were a lot of Russian soldiers in the city. Most of all, the Cossacks, who wore hats, checkers and whips, attracted attention; besides, they were the biggest brawlers. Then, in the city there were people from special units of the SD - Russians, Latvians, Estonians and Caucasians, who were very well dressed in various costumes, and on the sleeve they had fatal letters in a triangle - SD. These people, known for their cruelty and robberies, were not liked by anyone in the city, and other military men, both Russians and Germans, avoided communicating with them. There were detachments of nationalists, consisting of Kazakhs and especially Tatars. They did not fight much, but more served to protect warehouses.

The Russians, who were assigned to various headquarters, ortskomendatura, etc., were distinguished by the splendor of their uniforms and especially insignia. Their shoulders and collars were filled with silver, which shone especially brightly on sunny days, and their chests were hung with orders that they wore in their natural form, not limited to ribbons on the stocks. Their heads were decorated with either colored caps or hats with a bright top. I have no doubt that they would also be happy to wear checkers, but only Cossacks were allowed to do this.

In Vitebsk then were stationed: 622-625 Cossack battalions, 638 Cossack company, 3-6/508th Turkestan supply companies, 4/18 Volga-Tatar construction company, eastern companies - 59th, 639th, 644th , 645th security, 703rd training, 3/608th supply.

There were several newspapers in the city, one of them was Belarusian. The journalists were intelligent people, staunch opponents of communism and Stalin; Soviet agents sometimes killed the most zealous of them.

PS: The life described by Karov in the occupied territories is very reminiscent of the structure of life in Yeltsin's Russia in the early 1990s. Freedom of trade, rabid anti-communism, collaborationism, freedom of speech, and as retribution for it - the murder of journalists, the opening of churches, economic migration to the West and the withdrawal of capital there. For the final similarity, only the occupying troops of some Western power are missing.

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After the seizure of the Baltic States, Belarus, Moldova, Ukraine and a number of western regions of the RSFSR by Hitlerite Germany, tens of millions of Soviet citizens ended up in the zone of occupation. From that moment on, they had to live in fact in a new state.

In the zone of occupation

On July 17, 1941, on the basis of Hitler's order "On Civil Administration in the Occupied Eastern Regions", under the leadership of Alfred Rosenberg, the "Imperial Ministry for the Occupied Eastern Territories" was created, which subordinates two administrative units: the Reichskommissariat Ostland with the center in Riga and the Reichskommissariat Ukraine with the center in Rivne. Later it was supposed to create the Reichskommissariat Muscovy, which was supposed to include the entire European part of Russia. Not all residents of the regions of the USSR occupied by Germany were able to move to the rear. For various reasons, about 70 million Soviet citizens remained behind the front line, who suffered severe trials. The occupied territories of the USSR, first of all, were supposed to serve as Germany's raw material and food base, and the population - as cheap labor. Therefore, Hitler, if possible, demanded that agriculture and industry be preserved here, which were of great interest to the German war economy.

"Draconian Measures"

One of the primary tasks of the German authorities in the occupied territories of the USSR was to ensure order. In the order of Wilhelm Keitel, it was reported that, in view of the vastness of the areas controlled by Germany, it was necessary to suppress the resistance of the civilian population by intimidating them. "To maintain order, commanders should not call for reinforcements, but take the most draconian measures." The occupation authorities exercised strict control over the local population: all residents were subject to registration with the police, moreover, they were forbidden to leave their places of permanent residence without permission. Violation of any regulation, for example, the use of a well from which the Germans took water, could result in severe punishment up to and including the death penalty by hanging. The German command, fearing protest and disobedience of the civilian population, gave more and more frightening orders. So on July 10, 1941, the commander of the 6th Army, Walter von Reichenau, demanded "to shoot civilian soldiers who are easily recognizable by their short haircut," and on December 2, 1941, a directive was issued calling for "shoot without warning at any civilian of any age and floor that is approaching the front line" and also "immediately shoot anyone suspected of espionage." The German authorities expressed every interest in reducing the local population. Martin Bormann sent a directive to Alfred Rosenberg, in which he recommended to welcome the abortion of girls and women of the “non-German population” in the occupied eastern territories, as well as to support an intensive trade in contraceptives.

The most popular method of reducing the civilian population used by the Nazis remained executions. Liquidations were carried out everywhere. Entire villages were exterminated, often based solely on the suspicion of an illegal act. So in the Latvian village of Borki, out of 809 inhabitants, 705 were shot, of which 130 were children - the rest were released as “politically reliable”. Disabled and sick citizens were subject to regular destruction. So already during the retreat in the Belarusian village of Gurki, the Germans poisoned with soup two echelons with local residents who were not subject to export to Germany, and in Minsk in just two days - on November 18 and 19, 1944, the Germans poisoned 1,500 disabled old people, women and children. The occupying authorities responded with mass executions to the killings of the German military. For example, after the murder of a German officer and five soldiers in Taganrog in the courtyard of plant No. 31, 300 innocent civilians were shot dead. And for damaging the telegraph station in the same Taganrog, 153 people were shot. Russian historian Alexander Dyukov, describing the cruelty of the occupation regime, noted that, "according to the most conservative estimates, one in five of the seventy million Soviet citizens who found themselves under occupation did not live to see the Victory." Speaking at the Nuremberg trials, a representative of the American side noted that "the atrocities committed by the armed forces and other organizations of the Third Reich in the East were so amazingly monstrous that the human mind can hardly comprehend them." According to the American prosecutor, these atrocities were not spontaneous, but represented a consistent logical system.

"Hunger Plan"

Another terrible means that led to a massive reduction in the civilian population was the "Hunger Plan", developed by Herbert Bakke. The "hunger plan" was part of the economic strategy of the Third Reich, according to which no more than 30 million people were to remain from the former number of inhabitants of the USSR. The food reserves released in this way were to be used to meet the needs of the German army. One of the notes of a high-ranking German official stated the following: "The war will continue if the Wehrmacht in the third year of the war is fully provided with food from Russia." As an inevitable fact, it was noted that "tens of millions of people will die of hunger if we take everything we need from the country." The "hunger plan" primarily affected the Soviet prisoners of war, who received practically no food. During the entire period of the war, according to historians, almost 2 million people died of starvation among Soviet prisoners of war. No less painful famine hit those whom the Germans expected to destroy in the first place - Jews and gypsies. For example, Jews were forbidden to purchase milk, butter, eggs, meat and vegetables. The food "portion" for Minsk Jews, who were under the jurisdiction of Army Group Center, did not exceed 420 kilocalories per day - this led to the deaths of tens of thousands of people in the winter of 1941-1942. The most severe conditions were in the "evacuated zone" 30-50 km deep, which was directly adjacent to the front line. The entire civilian population of this line was forcibly sent to the rear: the settlers were placed in the houses of local residents or in camps, but in the absence of places they could be placed in non-residential premises - sheds, pigsties. For the most part, the settlers living in the camps did not receive any food - at best, once a day, "liquid gruel". The height of cynicism is the so-called “12 commandments” of Bakke, one of which says that “Russian people have been accustomed for hundreds of years to poverty, hunger and unpretentiousness. His stomach is distensible, so [not allow] any fake pity.”

The academic year 1941-1942 never began for many schoolchildren in the occupied territories. Germany counted on a lightning victory, and therefore did not plan long-term programs. However, by the next school year, a decree of the German authorities was promulgated, which announced that all children aged 8 to 12 years old (born 1930-1934) were required to regularly attend a 4-grade school from the beginning of the school year, scheduled for October 1, 1942 of the year. If for some reason the children could not attend school, the parents or persons replacing them within 3 days had to submit an application to the head of the school. For each violation of school attendance, the administration levied a fine of 100 rubles. The main task of the "German schools" was not to teach, but to instill obedience and discipline. Much attention was paid to hygiene and health issues. According to Hitler, a Soviet person had to be able to write and read, and he did not need more. Now, instead of portraits of Stalin, the walls of school classes were decorated with images of the Fuhrer, and the children, standing in front of the German generals, were forced to recite: “Glory to you, German eagles, glory to the wise leader! I bow my peasant head low, low. It is curious that the Law of God appeared among school subjects, but history in its traditional sense disappeared. Pupils in grades 6-7 had to study books promoting anti-Semitism - "At the origins of great hatred" or "Jewish dominance in the modern world." Of the foreign languages, only German remained. At first, classes were conducted according to Soviet textbooks, but any mention of the party and the works of Jewish authors was removed from there. This was forced to do by the schoolchildren themselves, who at the lessons on command sealed “unnecessary places” with paper.

Everyday life

Social and medical assistance to the population in the occupied territories was minimal. True, everything depended on the local administration. For example, in the fall of 1941, the Smolensk health department opened a pharmacy and a hospital in order to help the “Russian population”, and later a surgical clinic began to function. On the German side, the activities of the hospital were controlled by the garrison doctor. Also, some German doctors helped hospitals with medicines. Only employees of administrations or citizens working for German administrations could count on medical insurance. The amount of health insurance was approximately 75% of regular wages. Returning to the work of the Smolensk administration, it should be noted that its employees took care of the refugees to the best of their ability: they were given bread, free food stamps, and sent to social hostels. In December 1942, 17,307 rubles were spent on disabled people alone. Here is an example of the menu of Smolensk social canteens. Lunch consisted of two courses. For the first, barley or potato soups, borscht and fresh cabbage were served; the second was barley porridge, mashed potatoes, stewed cabbage, potato cutlets and rye pies with porridge and carrots, meat cutlets and goulash were also sometimes served. The Germans mainly used the civilian population for hard work - building bridges, clearing roads, peat extraction or logging. They worked from 6 am until late at night. Those who worked slowly could be shot as a warning to others. In some cities, such as Bryansk, Orel and Smolensk, Soviet workers were assigned identification numbers. The German authorities motivated this by the unwillingness to "pronounce Russian names and surnames incorrectly." Curiously, at first the occupying authorities announced that taxes would be lower than under the Soviet regime, but in reality they added taxes on doors, windows, dogs, extra furniture and even a beard. According to one of the women who survived the occupation, many then existed according to the principle “they lived one day - and thank God.

Another terrible means that led to a massive reduction in the civilian population was the "Hunger Plan", developed by Herbert Bakke. The "hunger plan" was part of the economic strategy of the Third Reich, according to which no more than 30 million people were to remain from the former number of inhabitants of the USSR. The food reserves released in this way were to be used to meet the needs of the German army. One of the notes of a high-ranking German official stated the following: "The war will continue if the Wehrmacht in the third year of the war is fully provided with food from Russia." As an inevitable fact, it was noted that "tens of millions of people will die of hunger if we take everything we need from the country." The "hunger plan" primarily affected the Soviet prisoners of war, who received practically no food. During the entire period of the war, according to historians, almost 2 million people died of starvation among Soviet prisoners of war. No less painful famine hit those whom the Germans expected to destroy in the first place - Jews and gypsies. For example, Jews were forbidden to purchase milk, butter, eggs, meat and vegetables. The food "portion" for Minsk Jews, who were under the jurisdiction of Army Group Center, did not exceed 420 kilocalories per day - this led to the deaths of tens of thousands of people in the winter of 1941-1942. The most severe conditions were in the "evacuated zone" 30-50 km deep, which was directly adjacent to the front line. The entire civilian population of this line was forcibly sent to the rear: the settlers were placed in the houses of local residents or in camps, but in the absence of places they could be placed in non-residential premises - sheds, pigsties. The settlers living in the camps for the most part did not receive any food - at best, once a day "liquid gruel". The height of cynicism is the so-called “12 commandments” of Bakke, one of which says that “Russian people have been accustomed for hundreds of years to poverty, hunger and unpretentiousness. His stomach is distensible, so [not allow] any fake pity.”

Boris Kovalev

Daily life of the population of Russia during the Nazi occupation

To his teachers: N. D. Kozlov, G. L. Sobolev, T. E. Novitskaya, A. Ya. Leikin, the author dedicates this book

Introduction

Man in occupation. Who is he? Man or woman, old man or child - what do they have in common? Without leaving their home, they all ended up in a strange world. This world has a different language and laws. They do not live in it, but survive. This book is about just that.

Of course, a feat distinguishes a person from everyday life. The people who made it are above others. Talking and writing about them, in general, is easy. Over the past decades, a huge number of books have been written about the heroes of the anti-Hitler resistance and partisans. They contain both truth and myths. And it takes a lot of effort to separate one from the other.

You can also write about betrayal, about cooperation with the enemy, about collaborationism. There are many reasons for this collaboration. Someone fiercely hated the Soviet government and dreamed of "repaying the Bolsheviks."

There were people who dreamed of always being "on top". And it is not necessary what kind of regime the country has: red or brown, communist or democratic. "Power for the sake of power" - that's what they aspired to and therefore were ready to serve any regime.

Many aspects of the participation of citizens of the USSR in the war on the side of Nazi Germany were hushed up by the Soviet side. For the initial period of the war, this was quite understandable: it was impossible to undermine the fighting spirit of the Soviet people. Thus, the newspaper Proletarskaya Pravda wrote on July 19, 1941: “With the help of threats, blackmail and the fifth column, with the help of corrupt slaves who were ready to betray their nation for thirty pieces of silver, Hitler was able to carry out his vile intentions in Bulgaria, Croatia, Slovakia ... Even in Poland, in Yugoslavia and Greece ... internal contradictions between nations and classes and numerous betrayals both at the front and in the rear weakened the strength of resistance to the invaders. But Hitler's predatory machinations will inevitably be smashed to dust now that he treacherously attacked the USSR, a powerful country armed with ... the indestructible friendship of peoples, the unshakable moral and political unity of the people ... ". The well-known writer and publicist Ilya Ehrenburg echoed her: “This war is not a civil war. This is a national war. This is a war for Russia. There is not a single Russian against us. There is not a single Russian who would stand for the Germans.”

In the dictionary of foreign words, the concept of "collaborationist" is explained as follows: "(from French - collaboration - cooperation) - a traitor, a traitor to the motherland, a person who collaborated with the German invaders in the countries they occupied during the Second World War (1939-1945)".

But already during the First World War, this term began to acquire a similar interpretation and was used separately from the word "cooperation", denoting only betrayal and treason. No army acting as an occupier of any country can do without cooperation with the authorities and population of that country. Without such cooperation, the occupation system cannot be viable. It needs translators, specialist administrators, business executives, experts in the political system, local customs, etc. The complex of relationships between them is the essence of collaborationism.

In our country, the term "collaborationism" to refer to people who collaborated in various forms with the Nazi occupation regime began to be used only recently. In Soviet historical science, the words "traitor", "traitor to the motherland", "accomplice" were usually used.

The degree of responsibility of people who in one form or another collaborated with the occupiers, of course, was different. This recognized the leadership of the Soviet resistance even in the initial period of the war. Among the elders and other representatives of the "new Russian administration" were people who took these posts under duress, at the request of their fellow villagers and on the instructions of the Soviet special services.

However, one can hardly call treason the accommodation of enemy soldiers, the provision of any minor services for them (darning of linen, washing, etc.). It is difficult to accuse of anything the people who, under the muzzle of enemy machine guns, were engaged in clearing, repairing and protecting railways and highways.

In Leonid Bykov's talented film "Aty-bats, soldiers were walking ..." one of the characters, Private Glebov, tells the lieutenant that he plowed during the occupation. The following dialogue takes place between them:

“So you worked for the Germans?”

- Yes, they received rations from the Germans.

- Strange, strange. And how many plowmen did you have there?

- Yes, it was...

For yesterday's Soviet schoolboy, Lieutenant Suslin, this is almost a crime. But Glebov, talking about this, is not afraid: “You were not under the Germans. And I was. And not just was. I plowed under them. I'm evil and I'm not afraid of anything.

Having survived the occupation, they joined the Red Army, helped to finish off Nazism with their work. Then these people were forced to write in the questionnaires: "Yes, I was in the occupied territory."

World War II was a tragic ordeal for many millions of people. Death and destruction, hunger and want have become elements of everyday life. All this was especially difficult in the territories occupied by the enemy.

Every person wants to live. Every person wants his family and friends to live. But there are different ways to exist. There is a certain freedom of choice: you can become a member of the resistance movement, and someone will offer their services to a foreign invader.

Under the conditions of the occupation of the western regions of our country, the activities of people who took up arms or offered their intellectual potential to the occupiers should be characterized as treason to the Motherland, both in the criminal law and in the moral sense of this concept.

However, in condemning those people who actually collaborated with the enemy, we must be fully aware of the complexity of the situation of millions of our fellow citizens who found themselves in the occupied territory. After all, everything was here: the shock of the lightning-fast offensive of the Nazi troops, the sophistication and quality of Nazi propaganda, the memory of Soviet repressions of the pre-war decade. In addition, the occupation policy of Germany in relation to the population of Russia was, first of all, the policy of the “whip”, and the territory itself was considered as an agricultural raw material base for the needs of the Reich.

In this book, the author tried to show the side of everyday life of people under Nazi occupation. Some were able to survive it and some weren't. Someone went into the forests with weapons in their hands or helped the partisans, helped not out of fear, but out of conscience, and someone collaborated with the Nazis. But, in spite of everything, we won this war.

Chapter one. From the Rhine to the Yenisei...

The plans of the leadership of the Third Reich regarding the future of Russia. Union Population. New Russian administration. Burgomasters and elders

In the thousand-year history of our fatherland, the events of the Great Patriotic War became one of the most severe trials for it. The peoples inhabiting the country faced a real threat not only of deprivation of statehood, but also of complete physical destruction.

The victory, for which millions of human lives had to be paid, was won only thanks to the indestructible alliance of all the nations and nationalities of the USSR. In the course of hostilities, not only military equipment and the talent of commanders, but also patriotism, internationalism, the honor and dignity of each person played an important role.

In the fight against Nazi Germany, the Soviet Union was opposed by one of the most militarized states, whose leaders aspired to world domination. The fate of many peoples and countries depended on the outcome of this battle. The question was being decided: to follow the path of social progress or to be enslaved for a long time, thrown back to the dark times of obscurantism and tyranny.

The Nazi leadership counted on the fact that they would be able to easily split the Soviet society due to the events of the pre-war years: forced collectivization, unjustified mass repressions, conflict between the state and the church. Their plans were not destined to come true.

In the victory won by the Soviet Union over the Nazi invaders in the Great Patriotic War, an important role was played by the genuine unity of all the people at the front, in the rear and in the territory temporarily occupied by the invaders.

Aggression and terror always go side by side. They are inevitable companions. The army of the Nazi Third Reich, conquering for the German population "living space" in the East, brought death and destruction. In the Second World War, cruel and bloody, the Soviet Union suffered the heaviest losses. In the fire of the war, 27 million Soviet people died, the Nazis turned into ruins about 1,700 Soviet cities and towns, 70,000 villages and villages, deprived of shelter about 25 million Soviet citizens.

Preparing a war against the USSR, the ideologists and strategists of fascism tried to determine in advance those social and spiritual forces that could become their support in the upcoming battle. The Russian Orthodox Church and the traditional religiosity of the Russian people seemed to them to be such potential allies. At first glance, the bet on these factors was fully justified: for many years Bolshevism persecuted the clergy, closed churches, and infringed on the rights of believers.

The system of the Main Directorate of Imperial Security (SD) had a special church department, whose tasks included monitoring and monitoring the activities of religious organizations of all faiths, studying the mood of the clergy and laity, and creating an agent network in the organizational and administrative church structures. A similar practice took place both in Germany itself and in the occupied countries of Europe. (Hitler forbade by a secret order the holding of any measures against religious organizations in his country without special sanctions from above only in July 1941).

In the temporarily occupied territories of the USSR, Nazi church policy was determined to a large extent by the general attitude towards the Slavs.

According to the historian D.V. Pospelovsky, the German leadership did not have a unified approach to this issue: Hitler considered the Slavs as an inferior race; the imperial commissar of the eastern territories, A. Rosenberg, appointed to this post in July 1941, hoped to win national minorities over to Germany, identifying the Russian people with the Bolshevik ideology and terror; and the high command of the Wehrmacht stood for the creation of "allied" Russian military units and was against the plans for the dismemberment of Russia.

A. Rosenberg received the first occupied regions at the end of August, and on September 1, 1941, the Reichskommissariats "Ukraine" and "Ostland" were created. On the same day, the circular of the Main Directorate of Imperial Security on religious policy in the East "On the understanding of church issues in the occupied regions of the Soviet Union" is dated, which determined the main areas of work:

Support religious movements as hostile to Bolshevism;

Break them up into small currents in order to avoid consolidation for the fight against Germany;

Do not allow contacts between leaders of different faiths;

Use religious organizations to help the German administration.

The factors of crushing and split were to become the core of the religious policy, which finally took shape by the spring of 1942. The testimony of A. Rosenberg himself has been preserved about his negotiations with A. Hitler and M. Bormann on May 8, 1942, at which it was noted that in the occupied territories large religious associations were already arising “of their own accord”, which should be used and controlled. It was decided not to issue a separate law on religious freedom in the eastern regions, but to carry out all measures to establish religious tolerance on behalf of the Reichskommissariats of "Ukraine" and "Ostland".

The first orders were issued already in July 1942, which proclaimed the right of believers to organize religious associations, while emphasizing their autonomy, which, in turn, limited the power of the bishop. So, in the order of the Reichskommissar "Ostland" H. Lohse dated July 19, it was emphasized: "1. Religious organizations of the occupied lands must submit to the general (district) commissioner the following: a) the name of the religious society, b) the religion of the leadership, c) the list of members of the presidium of the society, d) a list of the property of local religious societies... 2. a) only the Reichskommissar of the district can approve the new society upon the application of believers 3. a) recognition of the presidium to the district commissar is necessary, confirming the assertion that the society is not of a political nature, b) the general the commissioner may express his doubts about the nature of the society. 4. a) local religious organizations can only perform religious tasks. 5. a) if the order is violated, a fine is imposed, b) the Reichskommissar can dissolve the society as not fulfilling its task. "

In parallel with the registration of societies (until 1943 inclusive), churches were opened in the temporarily occupied territories.

According to the historian M.V. Shkarovsky, 2150 churches were opened in the occupied territories of the RSFSR: about 470 in the North-West, 332 in the Kursk region, 243 in the Rostov region, 229 in the Krasnodar region, 127 in the Stavropol region, 108 in the Oryol region region, 116 - in Voronezh, 70 - in Crimean, 60 - in Smolensk, 8 - in Tula and about 500 in the Ordzhenikidze region, Moscow, Kaluga, Stalingrad, Bryansk and Belgorod regions (in the last two, at least 300).

According to the report of the Council for the Affairs of the Russian Orthodox Church, as of January 1, 1948, the number of churches opened by the Germans in the temporarily occupied territories of the USSR was 7547, of which no more than 1300 remained active by the end of 1947 (due to a shortage of priests and due to seizure from religious communities of churches occupied by them, which served as public buildings before the war).

Until today, church life in the territory occupied by the enemy remains poorly understood. One of the unsolved pages in the history of the last war is the activities of members of the church organization "Orthodox Mission in the Liberated Regions of Russia", also known as the "Pskov Orthodox Mission". It was created under the auspices of the occupying authorities on the territory of the Pskov, Novgorod, Leningrad and Kalinin regions and proclaimed as its official goal the restoration of church life, "destroyed by the Soviet regime."

This is the history of this organization. In February 1941, the Baltic Exarchate was established by the Moscow Patriarchate as a special metropolitan area within the Latvian and Estonian dioceses. It was headed by Metropolitan Sergius (Voskresensky) of Lithuania and Vilna, who was one of the closest employees of the Patriarchal Locum Tenens Metropolitan Sergius (Stragorodsky), who was sent to the Baltic states at the end of 1940 to get acquainted on the spot with the state of affairs.

In 1936, the Latvian Orthodox Church broke away from the Moscow Patriarchate and passed into the jurisdiction of the Constantinople. Metropolitan Augustine (Peterson) became the leader of the nationalist wing of the Church of Latvia, but there was strong opposition to him, especially among the semi-legal student movements. And in 1940, after Latvia became part of the USSR, the opposition forced Metropolitan Augustine to ask the Moscow Patriarchate for reunification.

Moscow was in no hurry to answer. The Russian Orthodox Church was then in a difficult position. There were not enough active bishops. Finally, after repeated requests, the forty-two-year-old Archbishop Sergius (Voskresensky) arrived in Riga.

As a result, the reunification of the Churches took place. Moreover, a special metropolitan region was established, the head of which was the Moscow envoy, and the former ruling bishops became his vicars. None of the recent schismatics has been defrocked. And even Metropolitan Augustine (Peterson), after repentance, which he brought in the Cathedral of the Russian Orthodox Church - Yelokhovsky - was forgiven.

All this happened in February-March 1941, and already a month after the start of the war, Metropolitan Augustine appealed to the German occupation authorities with a request to give their permission to restore the Latvian Church under the jurisdiction of the Patriarchate of Constantinople and expel Exarch Sergius (Voskresensky) from Latvia.

But the Germans did not support Augustine, but Metropolitan Sergius, whom the schismatics openly called a "Bolshevik protege" and an "agent of the Cheka." Perhaps Augustine simply did not seem to them a prestigious figure - after all his failures and repentance. But, most likely, the plan was more complicated. And, characteristically, the fascist authorities offered Metropolitan Sergius (Voskresensky) effective support against the schismatics - in the struggle to preserve the canonical affiliation of the Exarchate to the Moscow Patriarchate. In response, they wanted the Exarch to create a church administration - an "Orthodox mission in the liberated regions of Russia." The activity of such an organization was to become an experiment in the implementation of plans for the reorganization of the religious life of the USSR.

Exarch Sergius agreed. Both he and the occupying authorities had their own goals .. The Soviet intelligence also had them ...

So, one of its leaders, P.A. Sudoplatov, in his memoirs, published in 1995, recalled: “It is appropriate to note the role of the NKVD intelligence in counteracting the cooperation of the German authorities with some of the leaders of the Orthodox Church in the Pskov region and Ukraine. With the assistance of one of the leaders in the 1930s of the "renovation" church of Zhytomyr bishop Ratmirov and guardian of the patriarchal throne Metropolitan Sergius, we managed to infiltrate our operatives V.M. Ivanov and I.I. Mikheev into the circles of churchmen who collaborated with the Germans in the occupied territory. He became accustomed to the profession of a “clergyman.” Information came from him about the “patriotic mood of church circles.”

Probably, Metropolitan Sergius (Voskresensky) remained in the Baltic states with the consent of the Patriarchal Locum Tenens, remaining a conductor of the line of the Moscow Patriarchate and during the occupation, revived religious life in the territories occupied by the Germans.

In the Pskov region, by the beginning of the war, only five churches remained active, and the Pskov diocesan department itself was abolished in 1940. By the beginning of 1942, there were already 221 churches in the occupied lands of the Pskov region with 84 priests. There were not enough clerics, so one priest ministered to two or three parishes.

The Political Directorate of the North-Western Front constantly received encrypted messages in which much attention was paid to the revival of religious life in the temporarily occupied territories. Here is how one of them (1942) assessed German religious policy: “The German command makes extensive use of the church for its own purposes. A number of churches, especially in the Dnovsky district, have been restored, and services are held in them. a large service was in the city of Dno in the month of July with a religious procession - on the occasion of the anniversary of the occupation of the city of Dno. Representatives of the German command attended this gathering. At the service, the head of the city of Dno delivered a speech, at the end of which he called on the population to thank the German command for the liberation of the city from the Reds " .

It would seem that this and similar facts testify to the existing alliance between the occupation authorities and the Church, which the official Soviet propaganda spoke about for so long.

However, the previously closed and unknown directive of the Imperial Security Main Office reveals the essence of the religious policy of the German authorities in the occupied territories. (The translation of the document was made in the Political Directorate of the North-Western Front and is given in full. Soviet intelligence assumed that the authorship belongs to A. Rozenberg himself).

DIRECTIVE

Resolution of the issue of the church in the occupied eastern regions

Among the part of the population of the former Soviet Union, liberated from the Bolshevik yoke, there is a strong desire to return to the power of the church or churches, which is especially true of the older generation, while the younger generation looks at it indifferently (also the result of a communist-atheistic school education) .

The question arises whether it is necessary to talk about the return of priests of all faiths (which has already happened in certain places), or should it be resolved in a different way, or should the solution of the question of the desire to return to any religious activity undoubtedly observed among the population of the eastern regions be directed in a different way.

The Christian-church worldview of all denominations, which, undoubtedly, in the near future will fight for the conquest of a new land in the East, reaches its highest level in the definition of the Jewish people as "a people chosen by God", which also nominated from its ranks god-like preachers of such a view on religion.

The German-German rulers and ruling circles, called upon to lead the occupied eastern regions, would become entangled in contradictions (especially in matters relating to the younger generation of the eastern regions) if, on the one hand, they tried to completely eradicate Bolshevism as the purest embodiment of Jewry in its spirituality. basis and, on the other hand, silently and patiently endured how the same Jewish people, who for 25 years kept a great people under the horrific Bolshevik terror, would now suddenly be exposed by priests of all faiths as "a people chosen by God."

Given the sensitivity of the Russian people to questions of religion, we must protect ourselves from such contradictions. Otherwise, there would be a spiritual confusion among the masses of this people, which, once it has arisen, is not so easily removed.

Therefore, I see a great political danger, as well as a danger in the field of worldview, in the fact that at the present time clergy of all faiths are thoughtlessly allowed into the eastern regions. What is certain is that the religion-seeking masses of the occupied former Soviet regions must be given some form of religion. The question arises: which one?

It should be established that under no circumstances should such a teaching about God be presented to the masses of the people, which is deeply rooted in the Jews, and whose spiritual basis is borrowed from such an understanding of religion as the Jews understand it. Thus, it is necessary to preach the doctrine of God free from Jewish influence in all respects, for which it would be necessary to find preachers and, before letting them out among the masses of the Russian people, give them the appropriate direction and education. The fact that now in many places churches with religiously bound priests are not reopened, and that the German authorities even contribute to this, will only provoke a religious reaction, which someday (since apolitical churches do not exist) may turn out to be such politically and will oppose the necessary liberation of the eastern regions.

Therefore, it is extremely necessary to forbid all priests from introducing into their preaching a tinge of religion and at the same time take care to create as soon as possible a new class of preachers who will be able, after an appropriate, albeit short training, to interpret to the people a religion free from Jewish influence.

It is clear that the imprisonment of the “God-chosen people” in the ghetto and the eradication of this people, the main culprit of the political crime of Europe, are compulsory measures, especially in areas infected by Jews, in no case should be violated by the clergy, who, based on the attitude of the Orthodox Church, preach as if the healing of the world had its origin in Jewry.

From the foregoing, it is clear that the solution of the ecclesiastical question in the occupied eastern regions is an extremely important task in the interests of the liberation of these regions, a task that, with some skill, can be excellently resolved in favor of a religion free from Jewish influence, this task, however, has as its premise the closure of those in eastern regions of the churches infected with Jewish dogmas." (The translation of the document is not very professional, the atheistic upbringing of the author of the translation is manifested both in terminology and in ignorance of the features of the concept of "Church" - O.V.).

This document is hard to read. His total racism leaves no doubt about the fate of Orthodoxy in the event of the victory of the Reich. It would cease to exist. The priesthood would be eradicated, and the "new religion" would be carried by new preachers, free from any denomination.

This instruction is also confirmed by documents from the Central State Special Archive, created on the basis of the Decrees of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR in March 1946 for the storage and use of documents from institutions, organizations and persons of foreign states. (Currently it is called the Center for the Storage of Historical Documentary Collections.)

Based on the reports of the "operational teams" operating in the occupied territory of the USSR, the Directorate published its Bulletins of the Security Police and the SD to cover issues related to the actions of the "operational teams" against partisans and underground fighters.

There is a directive of the Main Directorate of Imperial Security dated February 5, 1943, which determines the order of worship for Wehrmacht soldiers and conquered peoples. They are closely intertwined with the instructions above and prescribe:

"Religious activities of the civilian population are not to be promoted or hindered. Military personnel must unconditionally stay away from such activities of the population ...

Military worship in the occupied eastern regions is allowed only as a field service, in no case in the former Russian churches. The participation of the civilian population (including the Volksdeutsche) in the field services of the Wehrmacht is prohibited. Churches destroyed under the Soviet regime or during hostilities must neither be restored nor brought into line with their purpose by the organs of the German armed forces. This should be left to the Russian civil administration."

Exarch Metropolitan Sergius, giving his consent to the management of church affairs in the northwestern regions, counted, first of all, on the revival of traditional religious life here.

This is how the Orthodox Mission with its center in Pskov appeared ("Pskov Orthodox Mission": under this name it was mentioned extremely rarely in Soviet history - as a pro-fascist organization).

On August 18, 1941, the first 14 missionary priests arrived in this city, among whom were both graduates of the Orthodox Theological Institute in Paris and leaders of the Russian Christian Union.

The territory under the jurisdiction of the Mission included the southwestern part of the Leningrad region (with the exception of Yamburgsky and Volosovsky districts), part of the Kalinin region (including Velikiye Luki), Novgorod and Pskov regions, with a population of about 2 million people.

Kirill Zaits, a former rector of the Riga Cathedral, whose activities suited both the Exarch and the German authorities, became the head of the Office of the "Orthodox Mission in the Liberated Regions of Russia".

In material terms, the Mission was self-sufficient, replenishing its resources from the profits coming from the economic department (which included a candle factory, a church supplies store, an icon-painting workshop) and from 10% of deductions from the parishes. Her monthly income of 3,000-5,000 marks covered the expenses of the Office, and the free sums of money of the Mission went to the maintenance of theological courses in Vilnius. (Clerics were needed to restore church life.)

In parting words to the first missionaries, among whom were, in particular, pupils of the Theological Institute in Paris, priests Cyril Zaits, Vladimir Tolstoukhov, Alexei Ionov, Nikolai Kolibersky, John Legky, Yakov Nachis, Fyodor Yagodkin, Exarch Sergius recommended "not to forget that you arrived in a country where, for more than twenty years, religion has been most ruthlessly poisoned and persecuted, where the people have been intimidated, humbled, and impersonal. a new life opening up for him."

Indeed, church life in Pskov, as well as in other regions of Russia, has died out during the years of "militant atheism." By order of Kirill Zayets, all information about the persecution of the Church was collected by the priests and submitted to the Mission's administration. The missionaries also handed over lists of clergy liquidated by the Soviet authorities.

For the sake of the revival of religious life in the region - for the first time in Russia - the word of the pastor sounded on the radio: weekly broadcasts came from Pskov. In September 1942, priest George Benigsen read the first report - on the topic "Religion and Science". The second report - "Hegumen of All Russia" - Fr. G. Benigsen dedicated the 550th anniversary of the memory of St. Sergius of Radonezh. (Weekly broadcasts from Pskov covered a significant area, including the areas of Ostrov, Porkhov, Dno station).

Speaking about parish life, one cannot fail to notice one important detail: it was held under double control. On the one hand, the deeds of the missionaries-priests were supervised by the occupying authorities, and on the other, by the Soviet partisans. These constant contacts could not be ignored by the German leadership, which obliged through Fr. Cyril Zayets each priest to give written reports on all meetings with the partisans. Report on. Kirill Zaytsa noted the inconsistency of the available information: “According to some, the partisans consider priests to be enemies of the people, whom they seek to deal with. According to others, the partisans are trying to emphasize a tolerant, and even benevolent, attitude towards the Church and, in particular, towards priests.”

The German administration was especially interested in "does the people believe the propaganda messages about the change in church policy and how they react to these messages."

Written messages began to arrive at the Mission Office on a regular basis. Their content was varied. For example, here is a document sent by Fr. Vladimir Tolstoukhov: "Not far from my parish, a detachment of partisans temporarily captured a village, while their leader encouraged the peasants to diligently attend the Church, saying that in Soviet Russia the Church was now given complete freedom and that the power of the communists was coming to an end."

Judging by other reports, the partisans strictly ensured that in the sermons of the clergy there were no statements against the Soviet regime. And in one of the parishes, as reported, a representative of the partisan movement simply spoke, as a representative of Soviet power in his land: "a wish was expressed to raise funds in the church for the Red Army and a hint was given about the illegality of serving two parishes by one priest, located at the same time also in different areas." To this rector, Fr. Joasaph, the partisans even offered to write a letter to Moscow, to the Patriarchal Locum Tenens, Metropolitan Sergius (Stragorodsky): the latter, they say, will send an answer, that is, whether or not he will approve this priest in the parish he occupies...

A complete surprise for the occupying authorities was the protest of believers on the territory of the Mission against the change in church orders - the introduction of a new style (the Gregorian calendar). This phenomenon occurred everywhere in the temporarily occupied territories. The reaction of believers is also characteristic - defense, upholding of their rights to a religious national tradition, and their reference to the order of non-interference of authorities in canonical affairs established under the Soviet regime.

All this complicated the activities of the Gestapo theoreticians, forcing them to look for new ways of working with the Church in the occupied territory.

The problem of the church calendar

In mid-December 1941, some commandants of the localities (in Struga Krasny and Ostrov), referring to the order of a higher authority, demanded that the Orthodox celebrate all church holidays, including Christmas, according to the Gregorian calendar. This unexpected demand caused a storm of indignation among the believers. The situation was especially tense in Struga Krasny, where the commandant ordered the priest of the Mission to be told that he would be held accountable if he dared to celebrate Christmas in the church according to the Julian calendar, and that in this case the solemn service would be hindered by police measures. In Struga and Ostrov, the believers spoke extremely excitedly and loudly in approximately the following sense: “The Bolsheviks persecuted the Church, and we had to go to work and on church holidays, but the Bolsheviks never ordered the Church which days to hold which divine services. Such violence even the Bolsheviks did not commit crimes against the Church. We went to work with the reassuring consciousness that divine services in the church would be conducted in accordance with unshakable provisions. The Germans want to take away this consolation from us too. But we will not submit ... "

The local commandant of the Island at first took into account this mood of the people - he allowed the celebration of Christmas and other church holidays according to the Julian calendar, but categorically stated that this indulgence is valid only for the current year and that next year the Gregorian calendar will be introduced in the Church, if necessary even forcibly. But the commandant in Struga did not allow himself to be persuaded, so the priest, not wanting to disturb church order or come into conflict with the German authorities, had to leave Struga. After that, the local commandant ordered that a local priest be brought from a neighboring village (this intimidated man was not known to the Mission) and forced him to hold the Christmas service according to the Gregorian calendar, that is, on the day that, according to the Julian calendar, falls on fasting. On that day, there were almost no parishioners, and those few who, out of fear of the commandant, attended the service, were very upset and embarrassed ...

In religious matters one must take into account the psyche of the people. The Orthodox Russian suffers much less if he goes to work on a church holiday with the knowledge that in his absence the solemn service in the church is conducted in accordance with the accepted sacred custom than if he knows that this custom is not followed on his days off from work. ..

The politically undesirable results of such a mood are understandable in themselves.

In conclusion, one can apparently say that the Orthodox Church should, perhaps, be perceived as an ally in the struggle against Bolshevism. Therefore, it seems inexpedient that her power, which the Bolsheviks have disorganized and shattered by many years of persecution, should be further weakened by a reform that is impossible for the Church.

Now it is difficult to say whether collections were held in the churches of the Mission for the defense fund and for the needs of the Red Army. But it is known for certain: the pastors of the Mission cared about mercy and, above all, about alleviating the lot of Soviet prisoners of war.

Not only clothes were collected from parishes, but also medicines and food. The suffering themselves, the parishioners helped their suffering brothers:

From the Appeal of the Orthodox Mission to the population about donations for prisoners of war:

"Touched by the love for our brothers in captivity, we wish to help them and satisfy their needs. With the permission of the German Military Directorate, the Orthodox Mission organizes a collection of voluntary clothing donations.

We know that a Russian person will not stand aside when it is necessary to help his neighbor.

We are sure that the population will gladly respond to our proposal in order to supply with clothing those prisoners of war who were captured in the summer and therefore do not have winter clothing. Give what you can: clothes, shoes, linen, blankets, etc. Everything will be accepted with gratitude and will be distributed to the prisoners of war.

"Let not the hand of the Giver fail." Give donations to the priests, and where there are none, to the village elders for the transfer of the Orthodox Mission in Pskov."

From the first days of its existence, the Mission also took care of orphans. Through the efforts of the parishioners, an orphanage was created at the Church of the Holy Great Martyr Demetrius of Thessalonica in Pskov. 137 boys and girls aged 6 to 15 found warmth and peace in it.

The orphanage was headed by the priest Georgy Benigsen, who also headed the school at the temple. The school for 80 students at the Pskov Varlaam Church was organized by Father Konstantin Shakhovskoy. Father Vladimir Tolstoukhov opened 17 primary schools in the Pushkinogorsk region, 15 schools were created by the priests of the Mission in the Krasnogorsk region.

Years later, in the Soviet Union, this activity would be called "religious corruption of youth," and the Orthodox pastor Fr. Georgy Benigsen will be accused of, for example, that he "torn away 13 pupils of the orphanage from their homeland" (they left Russia with him). Pskov, Porkhov, Dnovsky priests will be accused of betrayal, and they will receive long camp terms ...

From the very first day of the Mission's existence, its leaders closely followed the events taking place in Moscow, evaluating each of the messages of the Patriarchal Locum Tenens, Metropolitan Sergius (Stragorodsky). In all the parishes there was a detailed interpretation of the position of the Moscow First Hierarch. The "Declaration" of 1927, which proclaimed the principles of the Church's loyalty to the state, was especially carefully examined.

Here is one of the Mission's appeals interpreting this document: "Every thoughtful person will understand that the joys and failures of the Soviet Union as a whole are not the same as the joys and failures of the Soviet government. Any government, including the Soviet one, can make erroneous decisions , unjust, too, perhaps, harsh, to which the Church will be forced to submit, but which she cannot rejoice at.

Attributing to Metropolitan Sergius the intention to recognize the successes of the Soviet government in the matter of anti-religious propaganda as the successes of the Church is at least unwitty and dishonest. We advise everyone who is confused by the message of Metropolitan Sergius, first of all, to carefully read this message. We are sure that all those for whom the Church of Christ is "peace and a quiet haven" and not an instrument of political and class struggle, who are aware of the seriousness of what has happened in our country, who believe in the right hand of God, steadily leading every nation to its destined goal, subscribe to the main thoughts of Metropolitan Sergius. For isn't it time to fulfill the behest of the late His Holiness Patriarch Tikhon - to put our Church in the right relationship with the Soviet government and thereby give the Church the possibility of a lawful and peaceful existence. Shouldn't we, while remaining Orthodox, remember our duty to be citizens of the Union "not out of fear, but out of conscience," as the Apostle Paul taught us and as the ancient Christians did?

Isn’t it true that there are still church leaders who think that it is impossible to break with the former regime without breaking with Orthodoxy, who, together with faith, bring politics into the Church and bring the suspicion of power to all church leaders in general?

The above facts do not give a complete picture of the life of the Mission. After all, it was created under the auspices of the occupation authorities, so the priesthood was obliged to somehow respond to the orders of the German command. Here is one of them:

"On the day of the Holy Trinity, the German command announced the triumph of the transfer of land to the full ownership of the peasantry, and therefore it is proposed to the Mission Directorate:

1) Give a circular order to all subordinate clergy (especially the Messrs. Pskov, Ostrov, Luga) to specially note the importance of this event in their sermons.

2) On Spirits Day in the Cathedral, after the Liturgy, perform a solemn prayer service with the participation of all the clergy of the city of Pskov, preceding the prayer service with a proper word.

Major complications with the occupying authorities began with the Exarch in the autumn of 1943: the Germans insisted on non-recognition of the canonicity of the election of Sergius (Stragorodsky) Patriarch by the Council of Bishops in Moscow in September 1943. Metropolitan Sergius (Voskresensky) believed that the elections were held according to all the canons, and in every possible way dragged out his public speech on this issue, causing discontent among the Germans. But the occupying authorities wanted to hold a conference on this issue in Riga, which was supposed to be attended by representatives of the Orthodox clergy of the occupied regions of the USSR. And Exarch Sergius was to preside.

The Riga Gestapo began to ascertain the mood of the metropolitan. And they found this: in one of his statements addressed to the Reichskommissar "Ostland", Metropolitan Sergius (Voskresensky) inadvertently wrote that "the Orthodox bishop still wants the fall of the Soviets, but, perhaps and even definitely, he no longer connects his hopes with the victory of the Germans." Could the Germans forgive these words? New pressure on the Exarch followed. The occupying authorities insisted on holding a conference with a binding resolution against the Patriarch. But the Exarch in the draft resolution did not even mention the name of the First Hierarch, let alone disassociate himself from the Moscow Patriarchate.

It was the spring of 1944. On the fronts - the offensive of the Soviet troops. Soon the territories nourished by Exarch Sergius will be liberated.

And on April 29, 1944, on the Vilnius-Kaunas highway, the Metropolitan's car was shot at by motorcyclists in German uniforms, killing the Exarch.

It should be noted that until today, much in the death and deeds of Metropolitan Sergius (Voskresensky) is shrouded in a veil of mystery and conjecture. Not all archival materials related to it are available to this day. Today it is still impossible to give an exact answer to a number of other questions: who were the priests of the Mission? Who did you go with? What made these "strangers" leave Western Europe and come to the long-suffering Russian land, scorched by the war?

The war, as an extreme situation, not only stirred up church life in the country, but also showed that the Russian Orthodox Church remained true to its historical traditions. The missionaries, following the orders of the occupying authorities and remaining Orthodox priests, did not know about the program developed in Berlin "On the resolution of the question of the church in the eastern occupation areas", where neither Orthodoxy nor they had a place.

They successfully completed their task of reviving religious life, without ever becoming "their own" in Russia.

The revival of the Russian Church also took place in the occupied lands of Belarus. Here, as well as on the territory of the Mission, in the autumn of 1941, the restoration of churches began with the active participation of the clergy, who found themselves on Soviet territory only after the annexation of Western Belarus to the USSR in 1939.

In August 1941, the Patriarchal Locum Tenens Metropolitan Sergius appointed Archbishop Panteleimon (Rozhnovsky) Exarch of Belarus. The Provisional Exarch of the Western Regions of Belarus and Ukraine, Metropolitan Nikolai (Yarushevich), remained on the other side of the front and could not perform his duties.

But, despite the fact that both Belarus and the Baltic states were part of the same Reichskommissariat "Ostland", the German authorities in every possible way prevented the unification of church life, suggesting that Archbishop Panteleimon (Rozhnovsky) organize the Orthodox Church independently, without any relations with Moscow: "The Church should bear the name “Belarusian Autocephalous Orthodox National Church.” Among other conditions were: the appointment of bishops must be carried out with the knowledge of the German authorities, the statute of the “Belarusian Orthodox Autocephalous National Church” must be presented to the German authorities, services must be performed in Church Slavonic.”

Archbishop Panteleimon accepted the German proposals with a reservation: the separation can take place after the Belarusian Church organizes for autocephaly and formalizes this separation canonically, coordinating it with the Moscow Patriarchate (This essentially contradicted the German plans).

In March 1942, a Council of Belarusian Bishops was held, which elected Panteleimon metropolitan, but did not proclaim the independence of the Belarusian Church. At divine services, the priesthood continued to cite the name of the Patriarchal Locum Tenens. And Metropolitan Panteleimon himself refused to preach in Belarusian, saying that the language of the urban population was Russian.

The Germans sent the intractable metropolitan to the Zhirovitsky Monastery, and the Council, organized by the German occupation leadership, which worked from August 30 to September 2, 1942, made the necessary decision on the condition. that "the canonical declaration of autocephaly will come after its recognition by all Autocephalous Churches" (including the Moscow Patriarchate). Messages to the Heads of the Local Churches about the decisions of the Council were drawn up, but were not sent during the year. And the Belarusian church documents did not mention autocephaly.

In May 1944, a conference of hierarchs led by Metropolitan Panteleimon (Rozhnovsky), who returned to the administration of the Church, declared the decisions of the Council of 1942 invalid due to the absence of two senior bishops, who were not allowed by the occupation authorities. All Belarusian hierarchs who emigrated at the end of 1944 joined the Church Abroad, which emphasizes their all-Russian, and not national, church mood.

The fragmentation of the Church did not take place. In fact, religious life was restored in all the territories temporarily occupied by the Germans. Separatist national Churches declared themselves only in Ukraine, where the Autonomous Ukrainian Orthodox Church, recognizing the supreme authority of the Patriarchal Locum Tenens Metropolitan Sergius (Stragorodsky) and the Autocephalous Ukrainian Orthodox Church, headed by Archbishop Polikarp (Sikorsky) of Lutsk, acted simultaneously. The Germans allowed the creation of two parallel hierarchies because of the desire to weaken Russian influence in Eastern Ukraine, on the one hand, and for additional control over the growing Ukrainian nationalism, on the other.

And, if the activity of the Autocephalous Church was assessed by the Moscow Patriarchate in March 1943 as non-canonical and treacherous, then the Autonomous Church was considered by it as the only legal organization around which the majority of Orthodox in the occupied Ukrainian lands rallied.

(It is also interesting to note that all the "autocephalous" bishops, except for Theophilus (Buldovsky), left with the Germans to the west. And out of 14 "autonomous" bishops, six remained with their flock).

With the liberation of the occupied territories by the Soviet army, the main part of the Ukrainian, Belarusian and Baltic parishes relatively painlessly became part of the Moscow Patriarchate. As for the monasteries opened during the period of occupation (there were 29 of them), they all considered themselves canonically belonging to the Moscow Patriarchate.

The consequences of the restoration of religious life in the temporarily occupied territories were great. Thus, the historians of the Russian emigration V.I. Alekseev and F. Stavrou, obviously exaggerating, believe that "in terms of scope and intensity, this religious revival can be called the second baptism of Russia."

This assessment is far from being objective. Another thing is important: the revival of religious life in the occupied territories of the USSR, as well as patriotic church activity in the first years of the war, was noticed by the Soviet leadership and had a certain impact on changing the religious policy of the state during the war period.

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Daily life during the occupation. Boris Kovalev - daily life of the population of Russia during the Nazi occupation

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