Who owns the Russian media? Who owns the main media in Russia? Who owns it and who broadcasts it?

Source: Independent Review
Release date: 02/13/2002
Title: WHO OWNS THE RUSSIAN MEDIA?

WHO OWNS THE RUSSIAN MEDIA?
Newspapers and television channels are actually means of propaganda for financial industrial groups or the state

As sad as it is, we have to admit the fact that there are practically no independent media in Russia. Most of them belong either to oligarchs or the state. Even media outlets that are formally independent focus their editorial policies on one or another pressure group. Often the media are under the control of a financial-industrial group that is so close to the state that it is difficult to determine whether it is a private or state-owned media outlet, only that it is not independent.
There are currently several main media groups in Russia: the “Kremlin-government” group and the Gazprom-Media group close to it, the Luzhkov group, V. Gusinsky’s “Media-Most”, the Berezovsky group, the Chubais group and the group close to it "Prof-Media" Potanin. There are also smaller media groups whose activities we will also touch upon.

A television

In Russia now there are actually only three national television channels (i.e., channels that more than 50% of Russians can receive): ORT, RTR and NTV. All of them are currently under state control: the first two are directly related to state property (51% of ORT shares and all of RTR), the last is under the control of Gazprom Media (and Gazprom is now headed by Vladimir Putin’s personal promoter Alexey Miller). After the transfer to Gazprom-Media of 19% of NTV shares, arrested for debts at the end of 2000, Gazprom's share in NTV increased to 65%. And now, according to Press Minister Mikhail Lesin, Boris Jordan is buying the remaining shares from Vladimir Gusinsky.
The largest television channel available to a minority of Russians (its television programs can be received by no more than a third of the country's population) is TVC. No one doubts its ownership - the Moscow mayor's office has complete control over it. OJSC TV Center is the founder and owner of 100% of the shares of the Moscow cable channel TV Stolitsa.
Channel 3 (formerly Moskovia), which has nothing to do with the mayor’s office and is even suspected by the mayor’s circle of being anti-Luzhkov, also broadcasts on the same frequency as the TVC. 56% of the shares of Channel 3 are owned by structures close to the former head of Mezhprombank, member of the Federation Council Sergei Pugachev, an “Orthodox businessman” known for his closeness to Vladimir Putin and Pavel Borodin.
The Kultura TV channel is completely owned by the state, but it is one of the most unpopular and has virtually no influence on public opinion.
The Alfa TV holding, formed in 1998, includes the television companies STS, Nizhny Novgorod Nika-TV, St. Petersburg Channel 6 and Muz-TV. The official website of Alfa Bank indicates that it owns 25% of the shares of STS and 64% of the shares of Muz-TV. However, apparently, Alfa actually owns more than 25% of the shares of STS, since the Chairman of the Board of Directors of STS is the President of Alfa Bank, Petr Aven (the remaining 75% formally belongs to Story First Communications, but Alfa Group is also one of the shareholders of Story First Communications). Despite the fact that STS is absolutely not a political television channel, in November 1999, STS General Director Roman Petrenko told Company magazine: “Television for us is a business, and we, of course, will sell airtime for election videos.” It is interesting that advertising time was sold to precisely the political bloc that was supported in 1999 by Anatoly Chubais and Petr Aven - SPS. According to the monitoring agency Gallup AdFact, during the two months of the official election campaign, the channel aired 475 SPS videos (this is more than NTV and TV-6 combined). At the moment, STS is the largest entertainment channel, the audience of which, according to some data, even exceeds the audience of TVC.
75% of the shares of REN-TV, previously owned by Lukoil, were sold in October 2000 to a structure close to Anatoly Chubais’s RAO UES (the television channel was already “caught” protecting the interests of Anatoly Borisovich).
TNT is still under the control of V. Gusinsky: although 25% of the shares of the Media-Most holding, which includes TNT, belonged to Gazprom-Media a year ago, and six months ago another 25% was added to them by Gazprom until he took over the entire holding.
M1 belongs to structures close to Lukoil (Lukoil-Garant even proposed the head of M1, Sergei Moskvin, for the post of general director of TV-6).
The music channel "MTV-Russia" is a branch of the international television network MTV Networks headed by Tom Freston. The chairman of the channel's board of directors is the president of the production company BIZ Enterprises, Boris Zosimov, known for his partnership with Sergei Lisovsky (who, in turn, became famous for his closeness to Chubais during the 1996 presidential campaign). During the election campaign in the State Duma 1999, MTV launched the video “Everything is in your hands,” calling on young viewers to come to the polling stations and vote “for young politicians,” which can actually be considered a veiled call to vote for the Union of Right Forces. Boris Zosimov even stated that the appearance of this video on MTV reflected his civic position, and therefore the video was not even paid for (!). During the 1996 presidential elections, it was Zosimov who was the first to launch the slogan “Vote or lose!” on Biz-TV.
Thus, even 100% entertainment television channels serve as a weapon of political struggle during the election campaign.

Radio

A significant part of radio stations (traditional for most Russians, Radio-1, Mayak and Radio Russia) still remain state-owned, but a lot of private radio stations have also appeared. The most famous political private radio station, Ekho Moskvy, is still controlled by Vladimir Gusinsky.
The Logovaz News Corporation radio holding, which is close to B. Berezovsky, controls the radio stations “Our Radio” and “Radio Ultra”.
"Russian Media Group" currently operates the radio stations "Russian Radio", "Monte Carlo", "Tango" and "Dynamite FM". Recently the group launched a new project - the information station "Russian Radio-2", and also announced its desire to buy "Echo of Moscow".

Newspapers and magazines

The government's Rossiyskaya Gazeta and Rossiyskie Vesti, which is close to the presidential administration, are state-owned. Vremya Novostey is also famous for its proximity to Alexander Voloshin. Argumenty i Fakty has always focused its publications on the Kremlin (at the same time, the newspaper remains loyal to the mayor’s office). Since the spring of 2001, the publishing house "7 Days" (including the magazines "Itogi" and "Karavan" and the newspaper "7 Days") came under the control of Gazprom Media. Since its founding in 1998, Gazprom Media has owned the newspapers Trud and Rabochaya Tribuna, as well as more than 100 regional newspapers.
The influence of the Moscow mayor's office among central newspapers exceeds the influence of the federal authorities. In addition to the fact that the mayor's office and structures close to it own all free Moscow advertising and information newspapers (such as "Center-Plus", "Extra-M", "Okrug"), the Moscow government is the founder of the newspaper "Tverskaya, 13". And the Metropolis media holding, formed with the participation of the Moscow authorities in April 1998, officially included the advertising agency Maxima, Literaturnaya Gazeta, Rossiya, Versty and the free newspaper Metro. Under the full control of the mayor's office are "Evening Moscow" (even in the political jokes published by the newspaper, all politicians except Luzhkov and Primakov were criticized), "Moskovskaya Pravda", "Chimes" and "Obshchaya Gazeta". They focus on the mayor's office in their publications and partly depend on it "Moskovsky Komsomolets" (which also owns the magazine "Business People"), the holding company "Top Secret" (including the newspaper and television program of the same name, the newspaper "Version" and the magazine "Litsa") and " Moscow news". If “Top Secret” always focused on the mayor’s office, then “MK” in the mid-1990s. had a partnership with Vladimir Gusinsky’s “Most” group (which is why “MK” campaigned for “Yabloko” in the 1995 Duma elections), and after 1996 he began to serve the Moscow government (however, in the first half of the 1990s, the mayor’s office and "Most" were on very good terms, and even in 2000, Luzhkov spoke in defense of Gusinsky).
Boris Berezovsky has considerable influence on the Russian newspaper market, owning controlling stakes in the Kommersant publishing house (which includes the newspaper and magazine of the same name, the Fresh Number newspaper, the Dengi, Domovoy, and Autopilot magazines) and the New Izvestia", as well as 80% of the shares of Nezavisimaya Gazeta. The name of Berezovsky is also associated with Gazeta, famous for its aggressive advertising, whose editor-in-chief Raf Shakirov was fired by Berezovsky from the post of editor of Kommersant in 1999, but has now again found a common language with the wanted businessman(in fact, “Gazeta” belonged and still belongs to V. Lisin’s Novolipetsk Metallurgical Plant, it’s just that at the time of its appearance on the market, “Gazeta” very often took interviews and comments from Berezovsky, which gave the impression of being close to him).
The Independent Media publishing house is sometimes considered close to Khodorkovsky, which since September 1999, together with the Financial Times, has been publishing the Vedomosti newspaper.
A significant part of the media belongs to the Prof-Media group, close to Vladimir Potanin’s Interros. "Prof-Media" controls AOZT "Komsomolskaya Pravda" (since March 1997, when ONEXIM Bank bought a 20% stake in AOZT), which, in addition to the newspaper of the same name, includes "Express Gazeta", "Antenna", " All-in" and 40 regional newspapers. Prof-Media owns 42% of the shares of Izvestia (and the newspaper Nedelya). At the same time, 50% of the shares of Izvestia are controlled by Lukoil. However, Mikhail Kozhokin, a protege of V. Potanin, was elected chairman of the board of directors of the newspaper. With the financial participation of ONEXIM, the magazine "Expert" was created.
A controlling stake in the newspaper "Vek" was purchased by MDM Bank in December 2001(and then by Gennady Semigin, who renamed it Rodnaya Gazeta).
With the financial support of Vladimir Gusinsky, Sergei Parkhomenko's Weekly Journal and Mikhail Berger's Business Journal began publishing this year.

Internet

Every year, online publications play an increasingly prominent role in the information market, the influence of which is growing not only due to the growth of the audience, but also due to their frequent citation in other types of media.
The main player in the market of online publications is the Effective Policy Foundation (FEP) of Gleb Pavlovsky, which manages such resources as Strana.ru and its special projects (for example, Ukraina.ru), Lenta.ru, SMI.ru ", "Vesti.ru", "Russian Journal" (www.russ.ru) and its special projects (for example, "Religion in Russia"). Despite Pavlovsky’s statement about his desire to sell most of his online publications in December 2001, no changes have occurred in the life of the latter, and Gleb Olegovich remains their owner (in the spring of 2002, Pavlovsky handed Strana.ru, SMI.ru and Vesti.ru to the state VGTRK - practically free of charge, in exchange for the fact that VGTRK would not close them, but would finance them. Nevertheless, the former Internet the publication Vesti.ru was closed, its archive was liquidated, and the website of the television program Vesti appeared on the same domain. Lenta.ru was created by FEP in 1999, but since 2000 it has belonged to Rambler).
One of the most influential Russian online media remains the news "Gazeta.ru", created at the end of 1998 with funds from Mikhail Khodorkovsky's YUKOS company.
Grani.ru, which appeared in December 2000 and became famous thanks to materials of an erotic and pornographic nature (although the publication was conceived as a political one), belongs to Boris Berezovsky. A significant portion of political articles in the organ of the Liberal Russia movement (of which Berezovsky is a co-chairman), the newspaper Democratic Choice, are reprinted from the Grani.ru website.
The website ntv.ru remains controlled by V. Gusinsky ( eventually turned into Newsru.com), promoted thanks to the television company of the same name, but now has nothing to do with it.

We are all dissatisfied with the information chaos of the media. Everyone understands that sowing what is reasonable, good and eternal is not at all the priority of the day. Moreover, all this nonsense seems to be of no interest to the media at all.

“Freedom of speech” turned into freedom from morality and responsibility...

We somehow do not realize that modern media are radically different from Soviet ones: if in the USSR they served the official ideology and at least the interests of society, today they are primarily business structures whose main goal is to make a profit. At any cost... Only business, nothing personal...

Only in light of this can one understand the pronounced antisocial color of our TV and all our other media: Russian TV is a place where daddies place their girls (with their specific subculture), who have almost completely replaced professionals, and therefore about professionalism, art and others It’s hard to talk about atavisms here... And the place where they make money from advertising and serving the interests of those who paid...

I bring to your attention an investigation by journalist Denis Tukmakov, which he conducted 4 years ago.

The current status of the Russian media as hangers-on for influential daddies, like many other features of modern Russia, is due to the dramatic events of the late 80s - early 90s of the 20th century. Without a brief analysis of what happened to the domestic mass media then, we will not understand their current state.

At the end of the USSR, the domestic press was an amazing phenomenon. With incredible popularity among the Soviet people thirsting for change (the circulation of “Arguments and Facts” was an unimaginable 33 million copies in 1990!) it was the media that were the sledgehammer with which the authorities hammered the bonds of their own state: from its “outdated” ideals to its “criminal” stories.

Influential media - take the Ogonyok magazine, the Moscow News newspaper, or the TV show Vzglyad - received their editors-in-chief directly from the hands of the “architect of perestroika” Politburo member Alexander Yakovlev and at the same time, without hesitation to offend their benefactors, they inspiredly shied away from everyone guns by party and country. This was called "glasnost"; It was then that the destructive fervor that has not dried up even today was put into the “liberation” media.

In return, the authorities paid their accusers with tender love. In the perestroika USSR, editorial boards of publications received complete independence from the organizations that once founded them. At the same time, total freedom of speech was declared. The fear of being branded as a retrograde among officials was so great that the publication had to cry out: “Censorship is coming back! The reaction is rearing its head!” - and it immediately got rid of any outside interference.

In the end, the USSR collapsed - and with it the well-being of the overwhelming number of citizens went to hell. And a new amazing thing happened. People stopped subscribing to the press. Firstly, money was lost: there would have been enough to buy bread, what kind of newspapers were there? Secondly, the desire to read the “paper scribblers” who five years before promised the people mountains of gold as soon as the “evil empire” fell, disappeared.

SOLD FOR LOVE

To the surprise of some writers, not only the people, but also the journalistic workshop itself had to deal with new economic realities. In addition to a sharp drop in circulation and the death of the subscription institution, editorial offices were faced with a wild rise in prices for paper, rent of premises, transport needs and similar “prose of life.” Just a year after its “golden age,” Russian media found itself literally on the brink of survival.

This is where the “young Russian business”—the emerging oligarchy—jumped onto the scene. Having offered their services to the “lucky” media, the suddenly enriched “new masters of life” pursued purely practical interests. The fact is that they themselves and their affairs were so unpopular among the people that they absolutely could not do without well-executed PR. It was necessary to explain to the population that everything that happens in the country is being done for the sake of collective benefit and with common consent. Who could cope with this better than the “unique creative teams” from liberal TV channels and newspapers?

The basis of the emerging information holdings were television channels. Relatively quickly saturated with advertising, they could quickly recoup the costs of the new owners. But what is much more important: in comparison with other media, the “zombie box” in the 90s still remained an attractive source of information that people completely trusted. Full of new technologies, TV, like the Internet later, created a narcotic effect for the stunned population and for a long time was a “magic box” near which it was so pleasant to while away the evening after a lousy day.

Of course, the media could have avoided selling itself to moneybags if it had tried to survive on its own. But why such feats if the liberal press completely shared the ideological guidelines of their new owners? As for the authorities of that time, here too an understanding of the ongoing process was revealed: the media fed by the oligarchs were not going to campaign for Zyuganov. The authorities dissolved almost all of the state press - in full accordance with the then prevailing attitude: “As little government as possible!”

This is how the first private media empires appeared in Russia. Among them, the two most powerful players stood out - the information structures of Logovaz of Boris Berezovsky and the Media-Most holding of Vladimir Gusinsky. Against their background, other “market participants” - the media group of Yuri Luzhkov and AFK Sistema, the ProfMedia group subordinate to Potanin’s Interros and the structure of Gazprom Media - looked more modest, but also demonstrated the general trend in the development of the domestic press.

“GOOSE” “BIRCH” IS NOT A COMRADE?

Often at odds with each other, with different styles and operating principles, all these media empires were united by one main feature. Through its own media, large oligarchic business, in the broad sense of the word, ruled the country. The propaganda tools of these media empires were aimed at two objects of influence at once - the authorities and the population.

In the first case, the press allowed its owners to feel confident in big politics. In the second case, the press provided multi-echelon “PR support” for the activities and aspirations of its owners - as happened, for example, throughout the entire second term of the deeply ill Yeltsin’s presidency, which took place under the banner of loans-for-shares auctions and economic default. That was the time when the main principles of modern liberal journalism were fully formed: “Propaganda instead of truth” and “Big money always wins.”

Purely externally, the media empires of Berezovsky (main assets: TV channels ORT and TV-6, print publications "Nezavisimaya Gazeta", "Novye Izvestia" and "Ogonyok", radio station "Our Radio") and Gusinsky (main assets: TV channels NTV and TNT, newspaper " Segodnya", the magazines "Itogi" and "7 Days", the radio station "Echo of Moscow") were as if created for mutual hostility. Possessing approximately equal information potential, their owners were believed to profess fundamentally different approaches to their media. And in general they behaved like spiders in a jar, trying to devour each other.

It was argued that for Berezovsky, his scattered information assets, like business as a whole, were just a means for political survival and advancement to the very top of the “family” hierarchy. Gusinsky, on the contrary, allegedly put the achievement of profit of his media empire concentrated in a single holding at the forefront and considered any political multi-moves only from the point of view of the business interests of Media-Most.

It was even said that, in defiance of Berezovsky, who was “loyal” to the Family, Gusinsky deliberately played the card of “opposition to the regime,” which could also be very profitable. For example, some analysts prosaically explained NTV’s unambiguous support for the “Ichkerian rebels” during the First Chechen War by the large volumes of payments from Maskhadov and Basayev, which passed through Most Bank.

However, for many years billions of completely state money passed through the same bank, and the NTV channel used a state satellite for broadcasting, and even at preferential rates - so there was no need to seriously talk about any real opposition to the Goose empire.

TERRIBLY FAR FROM THE PEOPLE

And yet the main thing was that the “pro-government” empire of Berezovsky, the “opposition” holding of Gusinsky and any of the other media groups, such as the Potanin media or the regionalist structure of the Moscow mayor Luzhkov, simply had no essential reasons for hostility throughout the 90s . All of them constituted a completely homogeneous environment of the ruling class, which represented a link between power and capital - that is, what is called the capacious word “oligarchy”.

National interests were not taken into account, the state fell into disrepair, power was divided between the “Seven Bankers” and regional barons. Whatever channel you turned on, everywhere you could find only “the grin of radical liberalism.” The “Berezovsky” program “Vremya”, no worse than the “Gusin” program “Itogi”, dealt with what the people even then called “chernukha”.

In the 90s of the last century, the same methods of suppression of will and destruction of consciousness were used against the people, which are usually recommended for use in enemy territory for the final pacification of the enslaved population. Well, the “free press”, which in the 90s completely fell under the “owners of factories, newspapers, ships”, surprisingly easily allowed them to fish in troubled waters.

It seemed that this would continue endlessly - until Vladimir Putin appeared on the horizon of Russian politics...

Since Vladimir Putin came to power, a new page has opened in the history of the press in Russia, and with it the Russian media empires. In the 2000s, the latter actually lost their “imperial” essence, which consists in indisputable sovereignty, complete independence from everything external. The former “states within a state”, capable of dictating the will of the Kremlin in the 90s and waging an information war against their own country, have become impossible. And first of all, the two main information bosses of the Yeltsin era - Boris Berezovsky and Vladimir Gusinsky - were out of work.

Berezovsky, who only bought the Kommersant newspaper in 1999 for good measure, already in September 2000 sold a stake (49% of shares) in the main “diamond” of his media crown, the ORT television channel, and a month later emigrated from Russia. His second channel, TV-6, which he bought in June 1999, was closed by a court decision in January 2002.

Gusinsky's favorite brainchild, NTV, suffered a similar fate. After the oligarch’s brief arrest in June 2000 on suspicion of embezzlement and fraud, the channel existed in its previous format only until the fall, when, during a “dispute between economic entities,” the assets of Media-Most began to pass one after another into the hands of Gazprom-Media. .

“THREE COMPONENT PARTS” OF THE MEDIA OF THE 2000S

There is an explanation for the loss of influence of once powerful information clans, and it does not at all come down to some personal forms of hatred on the part of the new leadership of the country, as some commentators like to argue. Throughout the 2000s, the domestic press existed under the influence of three new factors that predetermined their fate and the entire current configuration of the media in Russia.

Factor 1. The Russian state, which “thinned out” in the 90s and came to a fatal point at the turn of the century, beyond which physical decay and death loomed, in the person of the Kremlin, finally realized that it could no longer renounce its role in the fate of the country no possibility.

With Putin’s arrival in the presidential office, a “reconquista” began, in which the state gradually returned to all spheres of our life - including, of course, the media. As a rule, this happened very unobtrusively: here and there the state just began to actually manage the assets that it already formally had. However, the matter was limited almost exclusively to television: the state was clearly reluctant to enter other media.

Factor 2. In the early 2000s, after amendments to the Budget Code of the Russian Federation, the domestic press lost its last economic concessions in the form of various benefits and subsidies. The wild situation when the anti-state NTV channel is ruining the country by broadcasting at preferential rates via a state satellite has become impossible due to purely “monetization” reasons: it has become necessary to pay for everything.

Of course, the Kremlin did not buy newspaper after newspaper - instead, this was done by new business structures that replaced the oligarchs of the 90s. The main thing is that the rules of the game have fundamentally changed: not so much between the authorities and the mass media, but between the authorities and the new owners of these media in the person of big business. The latter very quickly explained to his newly acquired media that you shouldn’t throw stones when living in a glass house, and that every time you need to, as they say, watch your language and not confuse the coasts. Many saw in this a new strategy of “soft influence” of the state on the press through its new owners, in which the most rabid media were simply hung a beautiful collar around their neck, but were not at all prohibited from barking.

There were, however, atypical cases of complete information isolation. These include, for example, the Ekho Moskvy radio station, which in the early 2000s became part of Gazprom’s media structures. Even then, many saw the meaning of the “echo-Moscow” existence primarily in showing the world: freedom of speech in Russia is in complete order. And this irrefutable argument still works well.

And finally, factor 3. In the past decade, fundamentally new, in comparison with newspapers and TV, technical means of transmitting information have rapidly developed - first of all, the Internet with its blogosphere. They not only reformatted the Russian media sphere, but also largely changed the very concept of the media as an “elite publication.” Today, any advanced blogger can inform readers about the important or unimportant aspects of our wonderful reality - “unique creative teams” are not much needed for this. Alas, they themselves were almost the last to understand this.

CHANGE OF WORLD VIEW

The Internet, as a difficult-to-censor information environment, has made a “reassessment of values” within the media world in terms of financial and organizational costs for media projects and the risks associated with them. In the 2000s, opposition sites of all kinds, especially liberal ones, began to grow on the RuNet, like mushrooms after rain. They found it much more interesting to rent hosting in Germany and communicate within the editorial office via Skype than to sort things out with some printing house that suddenly refused to print them, or a distribution service that stopped selling their media.

Ultimately, this led to the growth of new, this time “virtual” media empires, in which large Russian capital increasingly prefers to invest. Of course, they do not have the colossal influence that television had in the early 90s; But the rapid development of the opposition online press under Putin completely disavowed the accusations of “totalitarianism” that were heard every now and then against the highest Russian authorities.

One of the active players in the Russian media market in the 2000s was the metallurgical king Alisher Usmanov - today the richest man in Russia, according to Forbes. Usmanov started his media structure in August 2006 by purchasing the Kommersant publishing house from Berezovsky. A little later, he bought the 7TV and Muz-TV channels, and then followed a step into the virtual space: since 2008, Usmanov has been part of the capital of Mail.ru Group (Mail.ru mail server, Odnoklassniki social network, ICQ messenger, etc.).

The “old” players were also doing well - for example, the recent oligarch, and in the 2000s simply a “major entrepreneur” Vladimir Potanin and his media holding “ProfMedia”. Owning the Expert magazine until 2004, and Komsomolskaya Pravda until 2007, this holding company bought the Izvestia newspaper in 2005, and the Afisha publishing house in 2006. At the same time, the TV channels 2x2, TV3, MTV Russia and several radio stations were in the hands of Potanin. Having completely bought out the Internet company Rambler Media in 2010, ProfMedia became the owner of such an influential Internet news portal as lenta.ru.

An example of a somewhat less successful entry of a new business into the media sphere in the 2000s is the Ananyev brothers and their company Media 3. Today she controls such publications as “Arguments and Facts”, “Extra-M” and “Center-Plus”; Until recently, she also owned the newspaper Trud. However, “AiF” and “Trud”, which were booming in the late 80s (the total circulation of these two publications in 1990 was a fantastic 55 million copies!), today cannot boast of their former mass popularity and, most importantly, influence. Their sites, turned into a semblance of Internet portals, cannot compete with either Rambler, or, especially, Mail.ru.

WHO IS YOUR OWNER, JOURNALIST?

So what happened to the Russian press in the 2000s? Has it been “strangled”, as this “strangled” opposition press never tires of blabbering about on all corners? Or was the “sabbath of freedom” of the 90s simply transferred to a new organizational and technological level - to the Internet? Neither one nor the other. Liberal journalism survived, but was largely pushed to the periphery of public interest. “Liberation” newspapers are coming out - in scanty circulation. “Handshake” sites are in full swing, with steadily falling traffic. But no serious “revelry of primeval elements” capable of “capturing the minds of the broad masses” is observed.

In the 2000s, it became finally clear that absolute, unfettered freedom of speech is fraught with great costs for society and, ultimately, for the owners of the media. One of the “markers” here was the “Nord-Ost” tragedy - after it, the country for a long time discussed the behavior of the media, which managed to broadcast live the beginning of the operation to free the hostages, which the terrorists who were watching on TV were able to take advantage of.

The main thing is that in the “zero” the country’s population had no questions about “freedom of speech” in relation to the media bought up by business. Today everyone understands perfectly well that it is impossible to be free and at the same time belong to a billionaire. Society has finally matured to the point where, before reading this or that publication in the press, it asks the question: who is the owner of this media, how is it doing now and what does it actually want to achieve in the foreseeable future. And only after that start exciting reading.

Who owns the main media in Russia?

The ownership of a media outlet by one or another owner does not mean that it is he who determines the information policy of his own mass media. The ideological orientation of a particular publication also depends on the complex relationship between the capital behind the media and the authorities - allowances for this must always be made. And yet, knowing which press belongs to whom is key in trying to figure out why a given newspaper, TV show or website interprets reality for us in one particular way and not another.

MERGERS AND ACQUISITIONS

Just the other day, on May 20 of this year, a truly important event took place in the information segment of the Runet: the popular news and socio-political resource lenta.ru (average daily attendance is about 900 thousand people, 2nd most cited place among Internet resources, according to the website "Medialogia.ru", which belonged to the ProfMedia holding (owned by Vladimir Potanin's Interros), came, as officially stated, "under the control" of another Russian multimillionaire, Alexander Mamut.

"Lenta.ru" is only a small part of the new united media empire called "Afisha-Rambler-SUP" (Cyprus), with a total audience of 37.2 million people. In addition to Lenta, Rambler and Afisha, it includes, for example, gaseta.ru, which ranks 1st in terms of citations among online media, as well as livejournal.com. Despite the change of management, it has already been announced that strategic decisions in the Potanin-Mamut company will be made jointly by both parties.

The example of the unification of two “oligarchic” media empires clearly shows that it is too early to talk about the end of the redistribution of the media market. This segment breathes and develops, sometimes shaking the feeds of its own news agencies with messages about “mergers and acquisitions.”

Since we started with Potanin’s “ProfMedia”, we will add that in the television market he also owns the TV3, “MTV Russia” and “2x2” channels, and in the radio segment - “Avtoradio”, Energy, “Humor FM” and “Radio Romantika” ". These assets, although very far from politics, nevertheless have a strong influence on a number of social strata, along with many other entertainment media, participating in the formation of the information “agenda” in the country.

ARE THERE ONE OFFSHORES AROUND?

Direct competitors of the Internet holding Afisha-Rambler-SUP are Yandex (Holland) and Mail.ru Group (Holland). Unlike the first, the assets of these two Internet portals are dispersed among many owners.

More than half (53.9%) of Yandex shares are traded on the American NASDAQ market, the rest are divided between the English investment fund Baring Vostok Capital Partners (one of the beneficiaries of whose shares until recently was named Elena Ivashcheeva from the board of directors of Yandex), top managers " Yandex" Arkady Volozh and Ilya Segalovich, as well as Sberbank, which owns 1 "golden" share, which gives the right to block the sale of over 25% of the company's shares.

In turn, the largest shareholders of the Mail.ru Group holding are the South African media group Naspers (31.7%) and the New Media Technologies company (17.9%), which is controlled by the richest businessman in Russia, Alisher Usmanov. NMT owns more than half of the voting shares of Mail.ru Group, which makes Usmanov the actual owner of this media holding.

In addition to mail.ru, Usmanov today owns the publishing house "Kommersant" (British Virgin Islands), which publishes a newspaper of the same name, its supplements, as well as the magazines "Money", "Vlast", "Ogonyok", "Weekend", etc. .

Another business publication, Vedomosti, is managed by the European media holding Sanoma Independent Media (Holland, owner Derk Sauer; other media in Russia are Cosmopolitan, Men's Health, Esquire, Yes!, Harper's Bazaar, National Geographic, The Moscow Times magazines , “Popular Mechanics”, etc.), publishing the newspaper jointly with the English Financial Times and the American The Wall Street Journal.

NEAR THE STATE

Above Vedomosti (3rd place) and Kommersant (2nd place) in the April ranking of media citations (according to Medialogia.ru) is another popular newspaper - Izvestia. It is 73.2% owned by the National Media Group media holding, which is controlled by the structures of Yuri Kovalchuk.

It is believed that the chairman of the board of directors of Izvestia, Aram Gabrelyanov, manages, through Sofya Mirzoeva, the publishing house News Media, which owns the popular network resource lifenews.ru (3rd place among Internet portals), as well as the newspapers Life and "Your day".

Other information assets of the National Media Group include the Petersburg television and radio company (72.4%), the REN-TV media holding (68%), the RSN radio station (100%) and the STS Media holding (25%, USA). The latter owns the TV channels STS, Domashny and Peretz; NMG owns this holding jointly with the Swedish group Modern Times Group (37.9%), whose assets in Russia are also represented by TV channels of the Viasat system. In addition, the National Media Group owns 25% of Channel One.

In whose hands are the remaining shares of the country's main TV button? 51% of the shares of Channel One are controlled by the state, another quarter is owned by the Cypriot company ORT-KB (associated with Roman Abramovich).

Well, what about the “second button”, the TV channel “Russia-1”? It, like the TV channels "Russia-2", "Culture", "Russia-24" and several others, is 100% owned by the state-owned VGTRK. The latter also owns “Radio Russia”, “Mayak” and “Orpheus” and the Internet resources: vesti.ru (5th place in citation among online media) and sportbox.ru.

Other state-owned media include Rossiyskaya Gazeta (4th place in the media citation ranking), RIA-Novosti and ITAR-TASS agencies, as well as the foreign broadcast radio Voice of Russia.

Two more popular TV channels, NTV and TNT, are part of Gazprom-Media Holding - together with the radio stations Ekho Moskvy, City FM, Relax FM, Children's Radio, the satellite channel NTV+, the magazines Itogi, " 7 days - TV program", "Caravan of Stories", newspaper "Tribuna" and video hosting rutube.ru. The holding itself belongs to Gazprombank, whose assets, in turn, are divided between Gazprom (35.54%), Vnesheconombank (10.2%) and the Gazfond pension fund (47.4%; this share of assets almost completely transferred to the management of the company under the control of Yuri Kovalchuk’s structures).

SOMEWHERE IN THE TOP TEN

Without going beyond the borders of the near-political media, we note several more media structures. Moskovsky Komsomolets, which occupies 5th place in the citation ranking, is owned by its editor-in-chief Pavel Gusev. 6th place is given to the no less scandalous Komsomolskaya Pravda - it, along with the Metro newspaper, belongs, according to Forbes, to the ESN group of companies (Grigory Berezkin).

The above-mentioned Derk Sauer is the chairman of the board of directors of the RBC media holding, which includes the news agency and television channel of the same name, the RBC Daily newspaper (7th place in the Medialogy.ru ranking), the electronic newspaper Ytro.ru, and the Internet portal rbc.ru and, among other things, the largest domain name registrar in Russia RU-CENTER. The owner of RBC is billionaire Mikhail Prokhorov (51.1%).

In 8th place is another opposition media outlet, Novaya Gazeta. Its shares are believed to be distributed between the journalistic team, multimillionaire Alexander Lebedev (39%) and the last leader of the USSR, Mikhail Gorbachev (10%).

Let's take a closer look at the opposition media. The owners of The New Times magazine, which is one of the “strongholds” of the “Bolotnaya” protest, are Dmitry and Irena Lesnevsky. The TV channel "Rain", as well as the publication "Big City", the Internet portal slon.ru and the radio station "Silver Rain", belong to Natalya Sindeeva, the wife of the "investor" of these projects, member of the Coordination Council of the Opposition Alexander Vinokurov.

Nezavisimaya Gazeta (9th place), long associated with the name of Boris Berezovsky, was sold in 2005 to the family of its current editor-in-chief Konstantin Remchukov, at that time assistant to the head of the Ministry of Economic Development, German Gref. The top ten most cited federal newspapers is closed by the weekly Argument and Facts, part of the Media 3 holding of brothers Alexey and Dmitry Ananyev (Promsvyazbank).

THEY HAVE NO NUMBERS

51% of the shares of ZAO AZHUR-Media, which owns the popular St. Petersburg network portal fontanka.ru (4th place in the most popular Internet resources), were purchased in April 2013 by the Swedish media group Bonnier Business Press, which already publishes the newspaper " Business Petersburg". At the same time, property relations with the heirs of the so-called “security oligarch” Roman Tsepov, who was directly related to the financing of AJUR information products, have not been finally settled. It is possible that the ownership structure may change in the near future.

Until recently, the controlling stake in the Interfax news agency was owned by its general director, Mikhail Komissar; in 2007, Interfax bought a 90% stake in another agency, Finmarket.

The business weekly Profile belongs to the former president of the Imperial Bank, Sergei Rodionov, after whom his own publishing house is named. Its competitor, Expert magazine, is part of the holding of the same name (along with the Russian Reporter magazine), the shares of which are distributed between the magazine's editor-in-chief Valery Fadeev, chief editor Tatyana Gurova and scientific editor Alexander Privalov, as well as Globex Bank and " VEB Capital" (owned by state-owned Vnesheconombank); Of the other influential owners, Oleg Deripaska was named for a long time.

And again, briefly about radio stations - very far from politics, but from time to time they do not hesitate to give assessments of what is happening in the country through the lips of their unrestrained presenters. "European Media Group" ("Europe Plus", "Keks FM", "Retro FM", "Radio 7", "Radio Record", "Radio Sport") is part of the Siberian Business Union holding (Mikhail Fedyaev, Vladimir Gridin) . The radio holding "Russian Media Group" ("Russian Radio", "HIT FM", "Radio MAXIMUM", DFM, Radio Monte Carlo) is owned by key top managers of Lukoil. Multimedia Holding (controlled by Federation Council member Vitaly Bogdanov) unites Nashe Radio, Best FM, Rock FM, as well as the National News Service news agency. Finally, the stations Business FM and Radio Chocolate are owned by the Rumedia holding, which is associated with the name of Vladimir Lisin (NLMK).

Sunday, 21 July. 2013

Let's consider the essence of the question: who owns the domestic media today?

The ownership of a media outlet by one or another owner does not mean that it is he who determines the information policy of his own mass media. The ideological orientation of a particular publication also depends on the complex relationship between the capital behind the media and the authorities - allowances for this must always be made. And yet, knowing which press belongs to whom is key in trying to figure out why a given newspaper, TV show or website interprets reality for us in one particular way and not another.

MERGERS AND ACQUISITIONS

Just the other day, on May 20 of this year, a truly important event took place in the information segment of the Runet: a popular news and socio-political resource lenta.ru(average daily attendance is about 900 thousand people, 2nd most cited place among Internet resources, according to the website "Medialogia.ru"), owned by the holding "ProfMedia"(it is owned by Vladimir Potanin's Interros), came, as officially stated, "under the control" of another Russian multimillionaire, Alexander Mamut.

Lenta.ru is only a small part of the new united media empire called "Afisha-Rambler-SUP"(Cyprus), with a total audience of 37.2 million people. In addition to Lenta, Rambler and Afisha, it includes, for example, which ranks 1st in terms of citations among online media gazeta.ru, and livejournal.com. Despite the change of management, it has already been announced that strategic decisions in the Potanin-Mamut company will be made jointly by both parties.

The example of the unification of two “oligarchic” media empires clearly shows that it is too early to talk about the end of the redistribution of the media market. This segment breathes and develops, sometimes shaking the feeds of its own news agencies with messages about “mergers and acquisitions.”

Since we started with Potanin’s “ProfMedia”, we will add that he also owns channels on the television market TV3, "MTV Russia" And "2x2", and in the radio segment - "Autoradio", Energy, "Humor FM" And "Radio Romance". These assets, although very far from politics, nevertheless have a strong influence on a number of social strata, along with many other entertainment media, participating in the formation of the information “agenda” in the country.

ARE THERE ONE OFFSHORES AROUND?

Direct competitors of the Internet holding "Afisha-Rambler-SUP" are "Yandex"(Holland) and "Mail.ru Group"(Holland). Unlike the first, the assets of these two Internet portals are dispersed among many owners.

More than half (53.9%) of Yandex shares are traded on the American NASDAQ market, the rest are divided between the English investment fund Baring Vostok Capital Partners (one of the beneficiaries of whose shares until recently was named Elena Ivashcheeva from the board of directors of Yandex), top managers Yandex by Arkady Volozh and Ilya Segalovich, as well as Sberbank, which owns 1 “golden” share, which gives the right to block the sale of over 25% of the company’s shares.

In turn, the largest shareholders of the Mail.ru Group holding are the South African media group Naspers (31.7%) and the New Media Technologies company (17.9%), which is controlled by the richest businessman in Russia, Alisher Usmanov. NMT owns more than half of the voting shares of Mail.ru Group, which makes Usmanov the actual owner of this media holding.

In addition to mail.ru, Usmanov today owns a publishing house "Kommersant"(British Virgin Islands), which publishes a newspaper of the same name, supplements to it, as well as magazines "Money", "Power", "Ogonyok","Weekend" and etc.

Another business publication "Vedomosti", managed by the European media holding Sanoma Independent Media (Holland, owner Derk Sauer; other media in Russia - magazines Cosmopolitan, Men's Health, Esquire, Yes!, Harper's Bazaar, National Geographic, The Moscow Times, "Popular Mechanics" etc.), publishing the newspaper jointly with the English Financial Times and the American The Wall Street Journal.

NEAR THE STATE

Above Vedomosti (3rd place) and Kommersant (2nd place) in the April media citation ranking (according to Medialogia.ru) there is another popular newspaper - "News". It is 73.2% owned by the National Media Group media holding, which is controlled by the structures of Yuri Kovalchuk.

It is believed that the chairman of the board of directors of Izvestia, Aram Gabrelyanov, manages, through Sofya Mirzoeva, the publishing house News Media, which owns a popular online resource lifenews.ru(3rd place among Internet portals), as well as newspapers "Life" And "Your day".

Other information assets of the National Media Group include a television and radio company "Petersburg"(72.4%), media holding REN-TV(68%), radio station RSN(100%) and the CTC Media holding (25%, USA). The latter owns TV channels STS, "Home" And "Pepper"; NMG owns this holding jointly with the Swedish Modern Times Group (37.9%), whose assets in Russia are also represented by the system’s TV channels Viasat. In addition, the National Media Group owns 25% Channel One.

In whose hands are the remaining shares of the country's main TV button? 51% of the shares of Channel One are controlled by the state, another quarter is owned by the Cypriot company ORT-KB (associated with Roman Abramovich).

Well, the “second button”, TV channel "Russia 1"? He, like the TV channels "Russia 2", "Culture", "Russia 24"and several others, is 100% owned by the state-owned VGTRK. The latter also owns "Radio Russia", "Lighthouse" And "Orpheus" and online resources: vesti.ru(5th place in terms of citations among online media) and sportbox.ru.

Other state media include "Russian newspaper"(4th place in the media citation ranking), agencies RIA News And ITAR-TASS, as well as foreign broadcast radio "Voice of Russia".

Two more popular TV channels, NTV And TNT, are part of Gazprom-Media Holding - together with radio stations "Echo of Moscow", "City FM", Relax FM, "Children's Radio", satellite channel NTV+, magazines "Results", "7 days - TV program", "Caravan of Stories", newspaper "Tribune" and video hosting rutube.ru. The holding itself belongs to Gazprombank, whose assets, in turn, are divided between Gazprom (35.54%), Vnesheconombank (10.2%) and the Gazfond pension fund (47.4%; this share of assets almost completely transferred to the management of the company under the control of Yuri Kovalchuk’s structures).

SOMEWHERE IN THE TOP TEN

Without going beyond the borders of the near-political media, we note several more media structures. Taking 5th place in the citation ranking "Moskovsky Komsomolets" It is owned by its editor-in-chief Pavel Gusev. 6th place was given to no less scandalous "Komsomolskaya Pravda"- she, along with the newspaper "Metro", belongs, according to Forbes, to the ESN group of companies (Grigory Berezkin).

The above-mentioned Derk Sauer is the chairman of the board of directors of the RBC media holding, which includes the news agency and TV channel of the same name, newspaper "RBC Daily"(7th place in the Medialogy.ru ranking), electronic newspaper Ytro.ru, Internet portal rbc.ru and, among other things, the largest domain name registrar in Russia RU-CENTER. The owner of RBC is billionaire Mikhail Prokhorov (51.1%).

In 8th place is another opposition media outlet - "New Newspaper". Its shares are believed to be distributed between the journalistic team, multimillionaire Alexander Lebedev (39%) and the last leader of the USSR, Mikhail Gorbachev (10%).

Let's take a closer look at the opposition media. Owners of the magazine The New Times, which is one of the “strongholds” of the “Bolotnaya” protest, are Dmitry and Irena Lesnevsky. TV channel "Rain", as well as the publication "Big city", Internet portal slon.ru and radio station "Silver Rain", belong to Natalya Sindeeva, the wife of the “investor” of these projects, member of the opposition Coordination Council Alexander Vinokurov.

"Independent newspaper"(9th place), long associated with the name of Boris Berezovsky, was sold in 2005 to the family of its current editor-in-chief Konstantin Remchukov, at that time assistant to the head of the Ministry of Economic Development German Gref. The top ten most cited federal newspapers is closed by the weekly "Argument and Facts", part of the Media 3 holding of brothers Alexey and Dmitry Ananyev (Promsvyazbank).

THEY HAVE NO NUMBERS

51% of the shares of ZAO AZHUR-Media, which owns a popular St. Petersburg network portal fontanka.ru(4th place of the most popular Internet resources), in April 2013 were purchased by the Swedish media group Bonnier Business Press, which already publishes a newspaper in the city on the Neva "Business Petersburg". At the same time, property relations with the heirs of the so-called “security oligarch” Roman Tsepov, who was directly related to the financing of AJUR information products, have not been finally settled. It is possible that the ownership structure may change in the near future.

Controlling stake in the news agency "Interfax" until recently it was owned by its general director, Mikhail Komissar; in 2007, Interfax bought 90% of the shares of another agency, "Finmarket".

Business weekly "Profile" belongs to the former president of the Imperial Bank Sergei Rodionov, whose name his own publishing house is named. Its competitor, the magazine "Expert", is part of the holding of the same name (along with the magazine "Russian Reporter"), whose shares are distributed between the editor-in-chief of the magazine Valery Fadeev, chief editor Tatyana Gurova and scientific editor Alexander Privalov, as well as Globex Bank and VEB Capital (owned by the state-owned Vnesheconombank); Of the other influential owners, Oleg Deripaska was named for a long time.

And again, briefly about radio stations - very far from politics, but from time to time they do not hesitate to give assessments of what is happening in the country through the lips of their unrestrained presenters. "European Media Group" ( "Europa Plus", "Keks FM", "Retro FM", "Radio 7", "Radio record", "Radio Sport") is part of the Siberian Business Union holding (Mikhail Fedyaev, Vladimir Gridin). Radio holding "Russian Media Group" ( "Russian radio", "HIT FM", "Radio MAXIMUM", DFM, radio Monte Carlo) is owned by key top managers of Lukoil. "Multimedia Holding" (it is controlled by Federation Council member Vitaly Bogdanov) unites "Our radio", Best FM, Rock FM, as well as a news agency "National News Service". Finally, the stations Business FM And "Radio Chocolate" is owned by the Rumedia holding, which is associated with the name of Vladimir Lisin (NLMK).

Rossiiskaya Gazeta (Russian Gazette) is published by the new Russian state. It was founded by the Government of the Russian Federation, and its first issue appeared on November 11, 1990. On the one hand, Rossiiskaya Gazeta enjoys official status, because state acts come into effect upon their publication there. On the other, Rossiiskaya Gazeta is intended for the general reader, covering everything from daily news, special reports and interviews with government officials to expert commentaries on state documents. Our circulation is 160,000 copies. According to polls, most of our readers are even-tempered adults inclined to hold conservative views.

The daily edition of Rossiiskaya Gazeta is printed in 44 and the weekly – in 47 cities. Regular issues include regional supplements and special features. We also publish series of books containing state acts and relevant commentaries.

The General Director is Pavel Negoitsa.

The Chief Editor is Vladislav Fronin.

The newspaper was officially registered on 1 November 1990 and reregistered on 28 September 1993 by the Ministry of the Press and Information of the Russian Federation (No. 302). Its network edition - Internet Portal Rossiyskaya Gazeta - was registered by the Federal Service for Supervision of Communications, Information Technology and Mass Communications (Roskomnadzor) on June 21, 2012 (Certificate of Registration El No. FS 77 – 50379).

State documents published in the newspaper include federal constitutional laws, federal laws and codes, decrees of the President of the Russian Federation, resolutions and acts of the Government of the Russian Federation, regulations issued by ministries and departments (orders, instructions, statutes etc. ). We also publish acts of the Federal Assembly (Parliament) of the Russian Federation, resolutions of the Constitutional Court and other documents.

Our right to publish official documents is determined by the Law of the Russian Federation No. 5-FZ, dated 14 June 1994 and entitled "On the Procedure of Publication and Enactment of Federal Constitutional Laws, Federal Laws and Acts of the Houses of the Federal Assembly ", by the Decrees of the President of the Russian Federation, dated May 23, 1996 N 763, "On the Procedure of Publication and Enactment of the Acts of the President of the Russian Federation, of the Government of the Russian Federation, and Statutory Legal Acts of the Federal Executive Authorities", as well as that dated 13 August 1998 N 963, "On Adoption of Amendments to the Decree of the President of the Russian Federation dated 23 May 1996 N 763, "On the Procedure of Publication and Enactment of the Acts of the President of the Russian Federation, of the Government of the Russian Federation, and Statutory Legal Acts of the Federal Executive Authorities".

Our right to publish official documents is established by Russian Federation Law No.5-FZ dated 14 June 1994 "On the Procedure of Publication and Enactment of Federal Constitutional Laws, Federal Laws and Acts of the Houses of the Federal Assembly", by Decrees of the President of the Russian Federation No.763 dated May 23, 1996 "On the Procedure of Publication and Enactment of the Acts of the President of the Russian Federation, of the Government of the Russian Federation, and Statutory Legal Acts of the Federal Executive Authorities" , and No.963 dated 13 August 1998 "On Adoption of Amendments to the Decree of the President of the Russian Federation No.763 dated 23 May 1996 "On the Procedure of Publication and Enactment of the Acts of the President of the Russian Federation, of the Government of the Russian Federation, and Statutory Legal Acts of the Federal Executive Authorities".

Article 4 of the Law on the Procedure of Publication of Laws and Acts states: "The official promulgation of the Federal Constitutional Law, Federal Law and acts of the Houses of the Federal Assembly is considered as the first publication of their complete texts in Rossiiskaya Gazeta or in the Code of Laws of the Russian Federation". Thus, an issue of Rossiiskaya Gazeta containing the published text of a state act becomes an official document itself.

By resolutions of the President and Government, the Internet Portal Rossiyskaya Gazeta was also endowed with the status of an official publisher. Texts of regulatory legal acts of federal executive bodies, resolutions of the Court of the Eurasian Economic Community, resolutions of the Council and Board of the Eurasian Economic Commission posted on the portal are official.

Rossiiskaya Gazeta is published in the following cities: Abakan, Arkhangelsk, Astrakhan, Barnaul, Bishkek, Blagoveshchensk, Vladivostok, Vladimir, Volgograd, Voronezh, Yekaterinburg, Irkutsk, Kazan, Kaliningrad, Kemerovo, Kirov, Krasnodar, Krasnoyarsk, Makhachkala, Mineralnye Vody, Moscow, Murmansk, Nizhny Novgorod, Novosibirsk, Omsk, Orenburg, Penza, Perm, Petrozavodsk, Rostov-on-Don, Saint Petersburg, Samara, Saratov, Surgut, Tver, Tomsk, Tyumen, Ulyanovsk, Ufa, Khabarovsk, Cheboksary, Chelyabinsk, Chita, Yuzhno-Sakhalinsk, Yakutsk, Yaroslavl, Simferopol.

The regional network of Rossiyskaya Gazeta includes 14 branches in the country’s largest cities: Saint Petersburg, Voronezh, Rostov-on-Don, Krasnodar, Nizhny Novgorod, Samara, Kazan, Ufa, Perm, Yekaterinburg, Novosibirsk, Krasnoyarsk, Khabarovsk, Simferopol.

News offices abroad: Great Britain, Bulgaria, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Brazil, Greece, Germany, Italy, the USA, Ukraine, France, South Korea, Japan, Turkey.

According to TNS Media Intelligence, in the first half of 2016 Rossiyskaya Gazeta topped the rating of the most quoted socio-political editions (duration of citation).

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