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Abstract of the publisher: In the essay offered to readers, the well-known Soviet historian P. A. Golub, on the basis of many previously unknown and little-known documents taken mainly from the archives of the Don White Cossacks, highlights many new important moments of the revolution and the Civil War on the Cossack Don. He deeply analyzes the notorious question of the "decossackization" of the Cossacks, restores the truth of history on this issue, debunks the hypocritical falsifications against the policy of the Soviet government in relation to the labor Cossacks. The book is intended for specialist historians, propagandists of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, for all those interested in the true, and not invented, history of our Fatherland.

legendary generation Don Red Cossacks and those who heroically fought alongside them

for the power of the Soviets on the Don

Truth and lies about the "decossackization" of the Cossacks

"COSSACKS!

Remember, you are not Russians, you Cossacks,
independent people. Russians are hostile to you.
Moscow has always been an enemy of the Cossacks, has long exploited them.
Now the hour has come when we, the Cossacks, can create our own life, independent of Moscow.”

From the appeal of General Krasnov to the White Cossack emigration
support Hitler's aggression against the USSR, Russia.

1942, Germany.

IDEOLOGICAL INTERVENTION AS THE PREPARATION OF THE RUSSIAN THERMIDOR
THE FIRST ANTI-SOVIET REVOLT OF THE VENDEAN DON (KALEDINSCHINA)
THE SECOND ANTI-SOVIET REVOLT OF THE VENDEAN DON (KRASNOVSHCHINA)
TRIP TO MOSCOW ... TO MEET THE DISASTER
ON THE JANUARY (1919) DIRECTIVE OF THE ORGBURO OF THE CC RCP(B) ON THE COSSACK QUESTION

1. IDEOLOGICAL INTERVENTION AS THE PREPARATION OF THE RUSSIAN THERMIDOR

As you know, the prologue of the Russian Thermidor (1991-1993) - this main crime of the 20th century - was its ideological preparation. It expressed itself in a massive attack on Soviet history with the aim of its complete falsification.

The Thermidorians were well aware that before they won on the Maidan, it was necessary to make a revolution in the minds of people. Therefore, the "fifth column" of Thermidorians, led by Russian quislings - Gorbachev, Yakovlev, Shevardnadze, then the permanently drunk Yeltsin, inspired and skillfully controlled by their mentors from abroad, furiously attacked the Soviet past, turning it upside down. To achieve their criminal goals, the renegades, according to the Goebbels method, also used criminal means, mixing blocks of lies with pieces of truth. At the same time, the "democratic Themis" appeared blind in one eye: she, as if under a microscope, looked for the slightest errors of the Soviet government and the communists and did not want to see their successes of a world-historical scale, which all progressive mankind applauded. The great apostle of truth, L.N. The Russian Thermidorians just gave a textbook example of a lie by default.

Among the leaders of the Russian Thermidorians, an especially sinister role was played by the "agent of influence" of the Western intelligence services, primarily the CIA, A.N. Yakovlev. In the era of Gorbachev's inglorious rule, he, as the main ideologist, appeared in the role of the "gray eminence", who, hiding behind the back of this worthless leader, "the ruler of the weak and crafty", deftly manipulated his actions in the spirit of the instructions of Dulles and Brzezinski. Using complete freedom of action, this werewolf headed Gorbachev's agitprop and, through a system subordinate to this department, organized such a frenzied falsification of Soviet history that no inveterate anti-Soviet had ever done before. At the command of the Western intelligence services, he opened all the doors for ideological intervention in our country, backing it up with the feverish anti-Soviet activities of the internal Thermidoreans. Under the tutelage of this agent, anti-Sovietism of the crudest sort, in the form of Volkogonovism, Sobchakism, Zhirinovism, and other varieties of anti-communism, acquired the character of a plague epidemic. As the owner of agitprop, this Thermidorean mobilized television, newspapers, publishing houses, cinema, theaters to discredit the CPSU and Soviet power - everything that could serve this base goal. He himself, setting an example for all Thermidoreans, brought to the surface one after another the "masterpieces" of cave anti-communism, for which he was promoted to academician by the same "scientists" as himself. Poor Academy of Sciences! Did they really not know that the most outstanding minds of mankind long ago defined anti-communism as the greatest stupidity of the 20th century.

When assessing what this renegade did for the temporary success of the Russian Thermidor, the image of his double, the infamous provocateur Yevno Azef, involuntarily arises by analogy. As you know, that Azef, who was listed as one of the founders of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party, which was in opposition to the autocracy, at the same time was a paid agent of the tsarist secret police, to whom he betrayed many of his fellow party members for reprisal. His current counterpart betrayed not only the Communist Party, in which he was listed, but also the Soviet Union, in which he was born and lived. He made a diabolical contribution to the collapse of the world communist movement and the community of socialist countries. And he did all this while formally a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU, but in fact an employee of Western intelligence services. The crimes of both Judas are incommensurable in scale, but kindred in spirit. Togo Azef was sentenced to death by the Central Committee of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party, but he disappeared without a trace. The current counterpart of Azef lived in constant fear in anticipation of an inevitable but fair people's trial. And this fear brought him to the grave. But in the memory of the people, he will forever remain as a symbol of betrayal and treason.

In the track record of the pseudo-academician, his pseudo-scientific activity is a black stripe. Its content is fierce anti-Sovietism. Under his leadership, as if on command, renegade elements from among the so-called scientific community rushed into the revision of Soviet history. Unfortunately, there were many fans of mocking their native history both in the center and in the regions. To help them to ensure the “general course”, “specialists” from abroad were called in en masse, many of whom had certificates of intelligence officers instead of diplomas of scientists. Under their tacit leadership, the rewriting of Soviet history was in full swing.

Experts from abroad suggested to their Russian colleagues the creation of special organizational centers, which, under the guise of supposedly scientific centers, zealously undertook to repaint the Soviet past in thick black. In 1993, the International Academic Center for Social Sciences (Intercenter) became such an institution. It was headed by: from the Russian side - Academician-reformer T.I. Zaslavskaya, from the British side - T. Shanin. Through the efforts of Mr. Yakovlev, the Russian Academy of Sciences was also involved in the falsification of national history. But the process, dictated by Western experts, went further. In 1994, within the framework of the Intercenter, the Center for Peasant Studies was established. It was headed: from the Russian side - the leading researcher of the Institute of Russian History V.P. Danilov, from the British side - the same T. Shanin. The Institute of History, like the Academy of Sciences, was also involved in the very dubious business of rewriting national history.

This miserable bowing down before Western advisers because of the “hillock” has acquired such an indecent character that even the reforming president found it necessary to reproach the leadership of the Institute of Russian History for their unreasonable zeal.

These centers have developed many projects for the preparation of supposedly scientific research on the “hot spots” of Soviet history, including the war of the White Cossacks against Soviet power in 1917-1920 (“Mironovshchina”), the peasant uprising in the Tambov province in 1919-1921 (“ Antonovshchina"), about peasant uprisings in the Volga region in 1919-1922, an extremely tendentious project "The Tragedy of the Soviet Village. Collectivization and dispossession (1927-1939)” and other issues. The teams of foreign and Russian researchers and archivists formed for these projects got down to business very energetically. Thus, more than 30 Russian historians and archivists from the Institute of Russian history, Moscow State University, peripheral universities, central and local archives, as well as research centers in the USA, Great Britain, Canada, Australia and South Korea. It seems that foreign "seekers of the truth of history" have shown a much greater interest in finding it in Russia than in their own countries. Why's that? With such powerful financial and personnel support, already in 2000, three volumes of the planned five volumes of these "research" were published. The colossal efforts of the preparers of this "hot" edition to "convict" the Soviet government of almost genocide against its own people overshadowed the deep tragedy that the Russian village is experiencing today as a result of ruinous "reforms". This tragedy in many ways exceeds what happened in the countryside in the 30s of the last century. The Soviet reforms, although very painful, aimed to bring the backward agriculture of the USSR and Russia to a modern level through the use of socialized labor and the latest means of production and science. Now the bourgeois reforms have doomed the village to degradation and extinction. Thousands of villages have already disappeared from the face of the earth.

Financing the publication of "incriminating" documents was readily undertaken by many foreign foundations. Thus, the Soros Foundation, among many other publications, paid for the publication of documents about the events of the Civil War on the Don (about the so-called Mironovshchina). Therefore, the compilers of the collection, headed by Yakovlev, considered it their duty to bow low to this American speculator for support: “The compilers and editors of the collection of documents about Philip Mironov,” the preface says, “express gratitude to the International Science Foundation (Soros Foundation), at the expense of which the work was carried out on identifying and copying a large array of archival documents "(Philip Mironov. Quiet Don in 1917-1921. Documents. - M., 1997, p. 24) /

Mr. Soros and similar "benefactors" don't waste their millions, and if they pay, it's only to the editors of publications of the highest anti-Soviet standard. Such is the mentioned collection about F.K.Mironov. The 730-page tome can serve as a clear example of falsification through a biased selection of documents according to the principle of “one-eyed Themis”. And no wonder: it was prepared under the vigilant supervision of Mr. Yakovlev and his henchmen. But the head of Gorbachev's agitprop used to falsify Soviet history on a large scale. On the advice of Western services, he took over the publication of an extensive documentary series “Russia. XX century. For this, a huge publishing concern was established - the International Fund "Democracy", of course, with Mr. Yakovlev at the head. With the money of Soros and others like him, only in 1997, in addition to the collection about Mironov, was the publication of publications Katyn, Lavrenty Beria and Georgy Zhukov announced. The anti-Soviet orientation in these publications comes out like an awl out of a bag. The overarching goal of this propaganda campaign is to mutilate Soviet history so that, as they say, her mother would not recognize her.

With the preparation of the Russian Thermidor, a hysterical campaign was launched on such "hot spots" in Soviet history as the Civil War (who started it and who is responsible for it), the Red Terror (with complete silence about the White Terror, as if it did not exist at all), "Cossacks (again, with complete silence about those monstrous atrocities that were committed during the Civil War by the top White Cossacks, led by atamans Kaledin, Krasnov and Bogaevsky), etc.

As for the perpetrators of inciting the Civil War, Yakovlev, a member of the Politburo of the Communist Party, found them, it turns out, in the party in whose leadership he himself was. World history hardly knows such renegade. The newly-minted Azef, probably in a state of mind damage, wrote in his essay under the absurd title “According to the relics and oil”: “Bolshevism cannot escape responsibility to the people for unleashing a fratricidal civil war, as a result of which the country was destroyed, and in the course of and bloody battles and destruction were killed and starved to death, about 13 million people emigrated ”(Rossiyskiye Vedomosti, November 29, 1995).

A person with the rank of an academician seems to be supposed to know what a schoolboy knows. October, with the support of the vast majority of the population of 150 million people in Russia triumphantly, within only four months, passed from Revel to Vladivostok. None of the previous revolutions knew such dynamism. With such a colossal preponderance of forces on their side, the Bolsheviks had no need to start a Civil War. This elementary truth never occurred to the pseudo-academician. Apparently, he did not read such works by the leaders of the counter-revolution as Denikin's 5-volume Essays on Russian Troubles or Ataman Krasnov's On the Home Front and The Great Don Army, in which these authors, without further ado, frankly admit how they, with the support of the Western allies, kindled the Civil War in Russia.

Mr. academician lied, like an unlucky schoolboy, and in relation to the victims of terror during the Civil War. Obviously, he took the figure of 13 million people out of thin air. Historians of both the white and red camps are perplexed: where could the indicated figure come from? The author was apparently prompted by advisers from the CIA. And there, as you know, they know how to lie. To clarify, the named 13 million victims of terror, Mr. Yakovlev, of course, attributed to the Bolsheviks. That in that war there was also white terror, incomparably more cruel and widespread, Mr. Academician did not even hear. There is no mention of this in his writings. Here is a textbook example of lying by default. The scale of this lie is evidenced by at least such an example: under Kolchak in his prisons and concentration camps (according to the Kolchak archives) there were several times more prisoners languishing than at the same time in all places of detention in Soviet Russia. With all this, Mr. Yakovlev is downright raging, demanding that the Bolsheviks be brought to justice for terror. Pharisaism is amazing!

But Azef II does not stop there: if you blame the Bolsheviks, then on a large scale, in Goebbels' way, and to the 13 million victims of the Red Terror he adds another ... 60 million, allegedly destroyed after that war. These "scientific" calculations, made by the academician in imitation of the famous liar Baron Munchausen, were met with a bang by many of his followers. A shameful competition began: who would betray more victims of the Red Terror. And now, Mr. Solzhenitsyn and the army of his fans are shouting to the whole world about 100 million victims of the Red Terror. Probably, Baron Munchausen is turning over in his grave with envy to lie in Khlestakov's style, with extraordinary ease. If it weren't for this ease of thought, the authors of such absurd calculations would have realized in time that, if they had their own way, some 40-50 million people would have remained from the 150-million-strong Russia (1917). The gentlemen lied shamelessly! For the USSR met the war against fascism with a population (1940) of over 194 million people. After these data, I want to say: gentlemen, if you feel itching, lie, but know the measure!

At the suggestion of Yakovlevsky agitprop, stormy publishing activities under the anti-Soviet flag were launched during the period of the Civil War by many publishing houses and editorial offices of magazines and newspapers, both in the center and in the regions. The Thermidorians who surfaced everywhere made an obscene coven, competing among themselves in rewriting the history of that war. Thus, the publishing house "Golos" in the series "White Deed" issued 16 books of memoirs, diaries and other materials of the most prominent leaders of the white movement, books imbued, of course, with the apology of this movement and hatred for the "rebellious mob", that is, for the workers and peasants in red army overcoats. With all this, the newly appeared chroniclers are not ashamed to call themselves democrats, that is, servants of the people. In Rostov-on-Don, a group of historians of the Yakovlev conscription (A.V. Venkov and his comrades) was not slow to compose a book “White Generals. Kornilov, Krasnov, Denikin, Wrangel, Yudenich" (1998). The authors of the essays placed in it diligently glorify the Cossack chieftains and white generals, while losing an elementary sense of honesty and presenting the matter in such a way that the chieftains and white generals won that war, and not the cavalrymen of Budyonny and the legendary comrades-in-arms of Chapaev. Such are the metamorphoses undergoing "democrats", praising the dictator generals. And some ode writers even elevate them to the rank of almost national heroes and patriots of Russia, although it is well known that they sought to restore the overthrown regime with the help of foreign bayonets and in the name of interests alien to Russia. Krasnov, Kolchak, and Denikin are full of confessions of this kind. So, the Don ataman Krasnov, without embarrassment, admitted that, had it not been for the intervention of German troops on the Don, “without them, he (the white Cossack rebellious Circle. - P.G.) would not have been sitting in Novocherkassk” (Don and the Volunteer Army. - M., 1992, p. 7). And when Germany capitulated and Krasnov's main support collapsed, he immediately went over to his former allies for help. In a letter addressed to the French General Franchet d "Espere, Krasnov again assured him, like the German Kaiser earlier, that without foreign support, now from the Entente, the White Cossacks could not defeat the Bolsheviks (see: ibid., p. 103). These confessions prove incontrovertibly that Krasnov was a puppet in the hands of foreign powers, but the anti-national character of the Krasnov regime is not seen point-blank by the apologists for the White Cossack counter-revolution, writing hymns of praise about it.

Obviously, at the command of Yakovlevsky agitprop, an aggressive campaign of attacks on the Bolshevik policy on the Cossack issue unfolded in the country. The main target of attacks was the Directive of the Organizing Bureau of the Central Committee of the RCP (b) of January 24, 1919, in which, based on the year-long experience of the Civil War on the Don, the policy of the Soviet government in relation to various layers of the Cossacks was determined. Grossly distorting the meaning of this document, as well as the entire course of the Civil War on the Don, anti-Soviet of various stripes and calibers, clearly at the prompting of the chief ideologist of Thermidorians, rushed to accuse the Soviet government of the so-called decossackization of the Cossacks. The instructions for this slanderous campaign were given by the academician himself in the aforementioned collection of documents “Philip Mironov. Quiet Don in 1917-1921. The essence of Mr. Yakovlev's attitudes is primitively simple: everything good is only about the White Cossacks, everything bad is only about the Bolsheviks. And complete silence about the atrocities of the White Cossack elite, about its cruel and massive campaign of decossackization of the Cossacks who sympathized with the Soviet government, undertaken long before the adoption of the January (1919) Directive of the Organizing Bureau of the Central Committee of the RCP (b). Yakovlev's guidelines were picked up by newspapers, magazines, radio and television, which followed one after another the so-called scientific conferences in the Cossack regions. Each of them acquired an increasingly overt anti-Soviet character. Homegrown anti-Soviet on the Cossack issue, on the initiative of the same Yakovlev, was rushed to the aid of "experts" in Cossack affairs from abroad, although many of them had no idea about the Cossacks. The friendly rehearsal of both gave the "discussions" an increasingly anti-Soviet character, which was required by the Thermidorians.

The singers in the polyphonic choir of accusers of the Bolsheviks were graduated scientists from the universities of the former Cossack regions: Rostov (A.I. Kozlov, A.V. Venkov, K.A. Khmelevsky), Krasnodar (V.N. Ratushnyak, V.N. Shchetnev ), Orenburg (D.A.Safonov). Groups of smaller caliber chroniclers crowded around them, ready to perform their anti-Soviet aria on the Cossack issue. Just yesterday, many of them diligently glorified the achievements of Soviet power in the Cossack regions, but as soon as Thermidor struck the country, they immediately, like famous reptiles, changed their color from red to yellow and began to enthusiastically sing the deeds of the Cossack chieftains and stigmatize the Bolsheviks.

A particularly striking transformation of this kind was demonstrated by Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor AI Kozlov. In the art of keeping his nose to the wind, he proved himself a worthy "disciple" of his mentors Yakovlev and General Volkogonov. Being for many years the head of the department of national history and the dean of the historical faculty of Rostov University, having thus "privatized" the history of the Don region in his own hands, he, at the official level, seems to adhere to the Soviet methodology, while he himself thinks something completely different. Already in 1990, that is, still on the outskirts of Thermidor, he published in the Moscow magazine Rodina (Nos. 6, 7) the pretentious article “Decossackization” and was one of the first to cast a stone in the direction of the policy of the Soviet government on the Cossack issue. The 180 degree turn took place. The article detonated a frantic campaign of perversions of the history of the Civil War on the Don and in other Cossack regions, and the author of the article frankly joins the anti-Soviet camp with the expectation that his zeal will be noticed at the top.

Under the leadership of this “pioneer”, his associate A.V. Venkov also performs a similar metamorphosis. Candidate's thesis "Don Cossacks in the Civil War of 1917-1920" he formally defends from the Soviet methodological positions, and defends his doctoral thesis “The Anti-Bolshevik Movement in the South of Russia. 1917-1920" in 1997 already from opposite positions. Such a sharp turn towards revisionism in the camp of the "reformers", of course, was immediately noticed and appreciated. And he becomes the director of the Institute of History, Culture and the Current Situation of the Cossacks. Together with Kozlov, they take under their wing the training of "Cossacks" cadres, provide them with a certain ideological orientation, in a word, they carry out the functions of the Yakovlevsky Glavlit at the local level, combing articles and books with an anti-Soviet comb. Something similar is happening at Krasnodar and Orenburg universities.

The slanderous campaign to accuse the Bolsheviks of “decossackizing” the Cossacks and even of genocide against the Cossacks did not arise at all by chance. This is a political order of the current Thermidorian government with a sinister intention. From recent history it is well known that the autocracy used the Cossacks as a brutal police force in the suppression of the First Russian Revolution. And very successful in this. The rebellious masses of workers, soldiers and peasants appreciated the merits to the autocracy of the Cossacks punishers with extreme indignation. This, in a fit of frankness, even Ataman Krasnov frankly admitted: “The people called us in“ gratitude ”for this, executioners, guardsmen and whips” (Don and the Volunteer Army .., p. 45).

The Cossack leaders, together with the Provisional Government, were inflamed with a desire to apply the sinister experience of the butchery of 1905 in relation to the Great October Revolution, blocking the path to the socialist social order for the people's movement. They really wanted this, but ... they burned themselves hard. There were already other times in the yard, and ordinary Cossacks were different. The revolution of 1917 took place in a triumphal march throughout Russia and ended with the establishment of Soviet power in the country, including on the Don and in other Cossack regions. But the Cossack elite did not accept the loss of huge privileges and imposed on the working people the most severe Civil War, which ended for the White Cossack army with a grandiose catastrophe during the evacuation from Novorossiysk and the Crimea and the hardest ordeals of ordinary Cossacks in exile. This was their retribution for their thoughtless trust in their bankrupt chieftains and generals.

The current bourgeois government in Russia, mindful of the past "merits" of the White Cossacks in the war against the revolutionary people, proclaimed a noisy campaign under the slogan of the revival of the Cossacks. Today's Kerenskys want to revive the Cossacks as a reliable police force against the indignant people, that is, again turn them into "executioners, guardsmen and whips." For these purposes, the reactionary past of the Cossacks is unrestrainedly praised, the activities of its chieftains and generals are glorified, and the policy of the Soviet government in relation to the working Cossacks is grossly distorted. In fact, we are talking about a sinister anti-communist campaign on a very acute problem in our history. The authorities deliberately encourage it, thoughtlessly flirting with the tops of the Cossacks. But she is playing with fire, risking resurrecting a separatist force that could be even more dangerous than the Chechen separatists.

Notes from the Third Reich. Life on the eve of the war through the eyes of ordinary tourists
Boyd Julia
Adventure , Historical adventure , Nonfiction , Biographies and Memoirs , Publicism , Nonfiction

This book tells about life in Germany between the two wars. Based on the documentary evidence of foreigners, it conveys both the emotional and physical state of travelers who visited the Third Reich. Dozens of previously unpublished diaries and letters help create a new vivid picture of life in Nazi Germany.

Travelers in the Third Reich: The Rise of Fascism Through the Eyes of Everyday People

Underwater aces of the Third Reich
Nagirnyak Vladimir Alexandrovich
Adventure , Historical Adventure , Nonfiction , Biographies & Memoirs ,

For almost six years, the submariners of the Third Reich fought the Allied convoys in the Atlantic, trying to implement an underwater blockade of Great Britain. Subordinates of the commander of the submarine forces, Kriegsmarine Karl Doenitz, used group tactics to attack convoys, which became known as the tactics of "wolf packs". For this, German submariners received the nickname "gray wolves" from the enemy.

During these six years, according to the British Admiralty, German submarines sank 2,775 merchant ships with a total tonnage of 14,573,000 gross tons.

However, for a thousand submarine commanders who took part in hostilities, only 34 people achieved a striking result, namely, they sank 100,000 gross tons or more of merchant tonnage. They are called underwater aces. These 34 aces sent 873 ships to the bottom with a total tonnage of almost 5 million GRT (4,826,238).

German submarine aces are not well known to Russian history buffs. This book is an attempt to close the existing "gap" in knowledge about German submariners and the submarine war they waged. The reader can get acquainted not only with the actions of such famous submarine commanders as Otto Kretschmer and Wolfgang Luth, but also discover the lesser-known personalities of the Battle of the Atlantic - Otto Ites, Werner Henke, Hans-Hartwig Troyer and others.

Brainstorm. Detective stories from the world of neurology
OSullivan Suzanne
Science, Education , Medicine , Nonfiction , Biographies and Memoirs ,

What do a school janitor who sees gnomes, a constantly falling ballerina, an office worker who has lost trust in a loved one, and a girl who runs away all the time have in common? It's hard to define, isn't it? In fact, they all suffer from epilepsy. Most of us at this word usually present a completely different picture: a man convulsing. But this is only one of the many manifestations of this disease. As complex as our brains are, so are epilepsy.

This book is made up of stories. Strange stories. Mysterious stories. It's about epilepsy and the brain. And about the incredible strength of people who every day struggle with an incurable disease.

Gathering at the Winter Palace, Kerensky flees from the capital for reinforcements.
November 6, 1943 Liberation of Kyiv.
November 6, 1960 Commissioning of the Kiev Metro.
November 6, 1974 Construction of the 1st power unit of the Leningrad Nuclear Power Plant. V. I. Lenin.

"Great murders were committed in Eastern Siberia, but they were not committed by the Bolsheviks, as was commonly thought, I will not be mistaken if I say that for every person killed by the Bolsheviks, there were 100 people killed by anti-Bolshevik elements" - General Graves, commander of the American Corps

I suggest that you get acquainted with a book worthy of attention: Golub P.: "White terror in Russia. 1918-1920"
annotation: A documentary essay on one of the little-studied phenomena of the Civil War - the White Terror, the terror of the opponents of Bolshevism in relation to the majority of the population of the Volga region, Siberia, the North and the Far East of Russia. For professionals and a wide range of readers. (Circulation: 1000 pcs., 480 pages) Review by Vladimir Litov
“White terror in Russia”- this is the name of the published by the publishing house“ Patriot”a book by a famous Soviet historian, Doctor of Historical Sciences P.A Golub. The documents and materials collected in it do not leave stone unturned from the fabrications and myths widely circulating in the media and publications on the historical topic, which are presented as historical truths by poorly informed Russian leaders.
Let's start with statements about the cruelty and bloodthirstiness of the Bolsheviks, who, they say, destroyed their political opponents at the slightest opportunity. In fact, the leaders of the Bolshevik Party became firm and implacable towards them as they learned the hard way that decisive action was necessary. And at the beginning there was a certain gullibility and even carelessness. After all, in just four months, October triumphantly marched from region to region of a huge country, which became possible thanks to the support of the power of the Soviets by the overwhelming majority of the people. Hence the hope that its opponents themselves will realize the obvious. Many leaders of the counter-revolution, as can be seen from documentary materials, are generals Krasnov, Marushevsky, Boldyrev, prominent politician Purishkevich, Ministers of the Provisional Government Nikitin, Gvozdev, Maslov, and many others - were released on parole, although their hostility to the new government was not in doubt. These gentlemen broke their word by taking an active part in the armed struggle, in organizing provocations and sabotage against their people. The generosity shown in relation to the obvious enemies of the Soviet power turned into thousands and thousands of additional victims, the suffering and torment of hundreds of thousands of people who supported the revolutionary changes. And then the leaders of the Russian communists made the inevitable conclusions - they knew how to learn from their mistakes ...
Coming to power the Bolsheviks by no means banned the activities of their political opponents. They were not subjected to arrests, they were allowed to publish their own newspapers and magazines, hold rallies and marches, etc. The People's Socialists, Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks continued their legal activities in the bodies of the new government, starting with the local Soviets and ending with the Central Executive Committee. And again, only after the transition of these parties to an open armed struggle against the new system of their faction by a decree of the Central Executive Committee of June 14, 1918 were expelled from the Soviets. But even after that, the opposition parties continued to operate legally. Only those organizations or individuals who were caught in specific subversive actions were subjected to punishment.

As shown in the book, It was the White Guards who initiated the Civil War representing the interests of the overthrown exploiting classes. And to her, as one of the leaders of the White movement admitted A. Denikin, there was a rebellion of the Czechoslovak corps, largely caused and supported by the Western " friends” Russia. Without the help of these friends“The leaders of the White Czechs, and then the White Guard generals, would never have achieved serious success. And the interventionists themselves actively participated both in operations against the Red Army and in terror against the insurgent people.

“Civilized"Czechoslovak punishers dealt with their" Slav brothers”with fire and bayonet, literally wiping entire towns and villages off the face of the earth. In one Yeniseisk, for example, for sympathy for the Bolsheviks, more than 700 people - almost a tenth of those who lived there. During the suppression of the uprising of the prisoners of the Alexander transit prison in September 1919 the Czechs shot them at close range with machine guns and cannons. The massacre lasted three days, about 600 Human. And there are many such examples. By the way, the foreign invaders actively contributed to the deployment of new concentration camps on Russian territory for those who opposed the occupation or sympathized with the Bolsheviks. The Provisional Government began to create concentration camps. This is an indisputable fact, which the whistleblowers are also silent about.” bloody atrocities” communists. When French and British troops landed in Arkhangelsk and Murmansk, one of their leaders was General Poole on behalf of the allies solemnly promised the northerners to provide in the occupied territory " triumph of law and justice". However, almost immediately after these words, a concentration camp was organized on the island of Mudyug captured by the invaders. Here are the testimonies of those who have been there:
“Several people died every night, and their corpses remained in the barracks until the morning. And in the morning a French sergeant would appear and gloatingly inquire: “How many Bolsheviks are kaput today?” Of those imprisoned on the Mudyug, more than 50 percent lost their lives, many went crazy ... ”

After the departure of the Anglo-French interventionists, power in the North of Russia passed into the hands of the White Guard general Miller. He not only continued, but also intensified the repression and terror, trying to stop the rapidly developing process " Bolshevization of the masses". Their most inhuman personification was the exile-convict prison in Yokanga, which one of the prisoners described as “ the most brutal, sophisticated method of exterminating people by a slow, painful death”. Here are excerpts from the memories of those who miraculously managed to survive in this hell: “The dead lay on the planks together with the living, and the living were no better than the dead: dirty, covered with scabs, in torn rags, decomposing alive, they presented a nightmarish picture.” By the time Yokangi was liberated from the whites there Of the 1,500 prisoners, 576 remained, of which 205 could no longer move..
A SYSTEM of similar concentration camps, as shown in the book, was deployed in Siberia and the Far East by Admiral Kolchak- perhaps the most cruel of all the White Guard rulers. They were created both on the basis of prisons and in those prisoner of war camps that were built by the Provisional Government. In more than 40 concentration camps, the regime drove almost a million ( 914178 ) a person who rejected the restoration of pre-revolutionary orders. To this must be added about 75 thousand more people languishing in white Siberia. More than 520,000 prisoners were taken by the regime into slave, almost unpaid labor in factories and agriculture. However, neither in Solzhenitsyn's Gulag archipelago”, nor in the writings of his followers A. Yakovleva, D. Volkogonova and others about this monstrous archipelago - not a word. Although the same Solzhenitsyn starts his Archipelago"from the Civil War, painting" red terror". A classic example of lying by mere silence!

HORROR and death - this is what the White Guard generals brought to the people who rejected the pre-revolutionary regime. And this is by no means a publicistic exaggeration. Kolchak himself frankly wrote about the created by him “ verticals of management”: “The activity of the chiefs of district militia, special forces, all kinds of commandants, heads of individual detachments is a complete crime.". It would be good to think about these words for those who admire today “ patriotism" and " dedication"White movement, which, contrary to the Red Army, defended the interests of" Great Russia”.

Well, what about " red terror”, then its size was completely incomparable with the white one, and it was mostly of a reciprocal nature. This was acknowledged even by the general Grevs, commander of the 10,000th American corps in Siberia: “Great murders were committed in Eastern Siberia, but they were not committed by the Bolsheviks, as was commonly thought. I will not be mistaken if I say that for every person killed by the Bolsheviks, there were 100 people killed by anti-Bolshevik elements.” And this was not only in Eastern Siberia. This was the case throughout Russia.
However, the frank confessions of the American general by no means relieve him of guilt for participating in the reprisals against the people who rejected the pre-revolutionary order. Terror against him was carried out by the joint efforts of foreign interventionists and white armies. In total, there were more than a million interventionists on the territory of Russia - 280 thousand Austro-German bayonets and about 850 thousand English, American, French and Japanese. A joint attempt by the White Guard armies and their foreign allies to inflict a Russian “thermidor” cost our people, even according to incomplete data, very dearly: about 8 million killed, tortured in concentration camps, died from wounds, starvation and epidemics. The material losses of the country, according to experts, amounted to an astronomical figure - 50 billion gold rubles.
TODAY, the authorities and their minions are trying not to remember all this. ruling oligarchic “ elite” do not need the truth about our past, tearing off the masks "patriots" and " heroes” from those who actually defended the doomed exploitative system with brutal violence and bloody terror. Yes, and parallels with today's Russia, where the authorities are in alliance with their Western “ friends” are also waging war against their own people, suggest themselves. But the truth about white terror, to which P. Golub's book is dedicated, is necessary for those who are fighting capitalism today. It once again reminds that its domestic defenders, together with the enemies of our country abroad, will do everything to prevent the people from taking the path of reviving their country.

In a series of reviews of the facts and testimonies of participants and eyewitnesses, the genocide of the Russian people, arranged by " bearers of traditions"during the civil war of the 20s in Russia, called the white terror, the turn of events came connected with the most whitewashed and bloodiest executioner - the admiral. Why in modern Russia from Kolchak, who drowned Siberia in Russian blood, they try to use propaganda serials and films, monuments . mold the image " savior of the country"- this is a separate issue. But after considering the facts of terror arranged by the admiral and his henchmen, it sounds more and more distinct. And it is not at all clear how it is possible on the same land, watered with the blood of thousands of victims of Kolchak, where there are monuments to them, to erect monuments to their executioner? What is this " new tradition"instead of comprehending and determining a place in history, a completely ambiguous figure, is it so false and categorically propagandistic to exalt him? Isn't it for these" merit"In front of the people?
"Glorious"way of fighting for" homeland" started with that Kolchak by breaking an oath Russian Empire, first on Black Sea Fleet swore allegiance Provisional Government. Learning about October revolution, handed over to the British ambassador a request for admission to the British army. Does it by chance remind you of modern events with jackaling around embassies? Ambassador, after consultation with London, handed Kolchak direction to Mesopotamian Front. On the way there to Singapore, he was overtaken by a telegram from the Russian envoy in China Nikolai Kudashev who invited him to Manchuria for the formation of Russian military units.

So, by August 1918, the armed forces RSFSR completely or almost completely opposed by foreign troops, with the support of " patriots, type Kolchak, Krasnova, Kornilov, Wrangel etc.. Well, more eloquent than "sworn friend" Russia don't say about it: “It would be a mistake to think that throughout this year we fought on the fronts for the cause of Russians hostile to the Bolsheviks. On the contrary, the Russian White Guards fought for OUR cause., - wrote later Winston Churchill.
And so the goals and objectives Kolchak and its foreign owners were identified and he undertook their implementation, moreover, by very specific methods. Below is a selection of facts and evidence, as they say without comment:
Order Kolchak:
"Civil war, of necessity, must be merciless. I order the commanders to shoot all captured communists. Now we rely on the bayonet". And these instructions Kolchak his henchmen with zeal concretized. Here are excerpts from the governor's order Yenisei and parts Irkutsk province lieutenant general S.N. Rozanova:

"To the chiefs of military detachments operating in the region of the uprising:
1. When occupying villages previously captured by robbers, demand the extradition of their leaders and leaders; if this does not happen, and reliable information about the availability of such is available, shoot the tenth.
2. Villages, the population of which will meet government troops with weapons, burn; to shoot the adult male population without exception; property, horses, wagons, bread, and so on, to be taken away in favor of the treasury.
6. Take hostages among the population, in case of action by fellow villagers directed against government troops, shoot hostages mercilessly "

In 1918 u" Supreme ruler created 40 concentration camps. Ishim, Atbasar, Irkutsk, Tomsk, Omsk, Shkotovo, Blagoveshchensk, Tyukalinsk...

Government Kolchak in December 1918, a special resolution was adopted on the widespread introduction of the death penalty. The police were in charge of enforcing this order. In addition, at MIA there were special punitive detachments. Insulting was declared the heaviest crime. in words”, for which a prison sentence was supposed. As follows from the memoirs, Kolchak has repeatedly expressed the opinion that “ civil war must be merciless". Head of the Ural Territory Postnikov, who refused to fulfill his duties, characterized the Kolchak regime as follows:
"The dictatorship of military power, reprisals without trial, flogging even of women, arrests on denunciations, persecution on slander, horrors - in the camps of the Red Army, 178 out of 1600 people died in a week. "Apparently, they are all doomed to extinction."
Headquarters Captain Frolov dragoon squadron corps Kappel spoke about his exploits”: “After hanging several hundred people on the gates of Kustanai, shooting a little, we spread to the village, the villages of Zharovka and Kargalinsk were cut into walnut, where for sympathy with Bolshevism we had to shoot all the men from 18 to 55 years of age, after which we let the “rooster” go.”
As the military failures, Kolchak's generals became more and more cruel. October 12, 1919 d. one of them issued an order to shoot every tenth hostage, and in the event of a mass armed uprising against the army, all the inhabitants and burn the village to the ground. In the book Lytvyn cited is a letter from Perm workers dated November 15, 1919: “We waited for Kolchak, like the day of Christ, but we waited like the most predatory beast.”
Kolchak, as an intelligent commander in chief, he preferred not to torture, but to flog and not be sophisticated with the death penalty, but simply to shoot. Soviet printed sources claim that for the period of stay Kolchak in Yekaterinburg province, the White Guards tortured and shot over 25 thousand people and about 200 thousand were flogged.
Investigation case No. 37751 against the ataman Boris Annenkov Chekists started in May 1926. He was at that time 36 years old. He said about himself that he was from the nobility, graduated Odessa Cadet Corps and Moscow Alexander Military School. October revolution did not recognize the Cossack centurion at the front, decided not to comply with the Soviet decree on demobilization and headed " partisan» detachment in 1918 appeared in Omsk. In the army he commanded a brigade, became a major general. After the defeat of the Semirechensk army with 4 thousand fighters, he went to China.
In a four-volume investigative file accusing Annenkov and his former chief of staff N. A. Denisova, thousands of testimonies of plundered peasants, relatives of those who died at the hands of bandits, who acted under the motto: “We have no restrictions! God and Ataman Annenkov are with us, cut right and left!”
The indictment told of many facts of atrocities Annenkov and his gangs. At the beginning September 1918. peasants Slavgorod county cleared the city from the guards of the Siberian regionalists. They were sent to pacify hussars» Annenkov. On September 11, the massacre began in the city: up to 500 people were tortured and killed that day. The hopes of the delegates of the peasant congress that “No one dares to touch the people's deputies, they did not justify themselves. Annenkov ordered all the arrested delegates of the peasant congress (87 people) to be chopped up in the square opposite the people's house and buried here in a pit.

Village Black Dol, where the headquarters of the rebels was located, was burned to the ground. Peasants, their wives and children were shot, beaten and hung on poles. Young girls from the city and nearby villages were brought to Annenkov's train, which was standing at the station of Slavgorod, raped, then taken out of the cars and shot. Blokhin, a participant in the Slavgorod peasant uprising, testified: the Annenkovites executed terribly - they pulled out their eyes, tongues, removed the stripes on their backs, buried the living in the ground, tied them to horse tails . AT Semipalatinsk the ataman threatened to shoot every fifth person if he was not paid an indemnity. Annenkov and Denisova in Semipalatinsk, in the same place by the verdict of the court and shot on August 12, 1927.

I have already quoted the words of the commander of the American intervention troops in Siberia general W. Graves: "Great murders were committed in Eastern Siberia, but they were not committed by the Bolsheviks, as is commonly thought. I will not be mistaken if I say that in Eastern Siberia, for every person killed by the Bolsheviks, there were 100 people killed by anti-Bolshevik elements." The general spoke, in particular, about the brutal massacre of the Kolchakites in November 1918 in Omsk with members Constituent Assembly...
Now is the time to face the white terror, from which the zealots of glasnost and truth from Ogonyok, Moscow News, Literaturnaya Gazeta etc. No, we will not follow a dubious example D. A. Volkogonova and Y. Feofanova who called in " accusers” red ... general Denikin and semi-cadet Melgunov. Let the whites themselves bear witness to the deeds of the whites. These testimonies are numerous. Let's open just a few of them.
When the admiral was confirmed on the throne, his oprichniki arranged not only for the Bolsheviks, but also for the Socialist-Revolutionary-Menshevik leaders of the directory, such a bloody bath that those who survived in it for many years remembered with a shudder. One of them is a member of the Central Committee of the Right SR Party D. F. Rakov managed to smuggle a letter from prison abroad, which the Socialist-Revolutionary Center in paris published in 1920 as a pamphlet entitled “In the dungeons of Kolchak. Voice from Siberia”. What did this voice tell the world community? "Omsk,- testified Rakov, - just froze in horror. While the wives of the murdered comrades were looking for their corpses in the Siberian snows day and night, I continued my painful sitting, not knowing what horror was going on behind the walls of the guardhouse. The killed ... were an infinite number, in any case, no less than 2,500 people. Entire wagonloads of corpses were transported through the city, as sheep and pig carcasses are transported in winter. It was mainly the soldiers of the local garrison and the workers who suffered...”(S. 16-17).
And here are the scenes of Kolchak's massacres, sketched, so to speak, from nature:
“The murder itself presents a picture so wild and terrible that it is difficult to talk about it even for people who have seen a lot of horrors both in the past and in the present. The unfortunate were stripped, left in only one linen: the killers, obviously, needed their clothes. They beat them with all types of weapons, with the exception of artillery: they beat them with butts, stabbed with bayonets, chopped them with checkers, shot at them from rifles and revolvers. The execution was attended not only by the performers, but also by spectators. In front of this audience, N. Fomin (SR.) was inflicted 13 wounds, of which only 2 were gunshot wounds. While still alive, they tried to cut off his arms with sabers, but the sabers, apparently, were blunt, resulting in deep wounds on the shoulders and under the armpits. It’s hard for me, it’s hard now to describe how they tortured, mocked, tortured our comrades”(S. 20-21). What follows is a story about one of Kolchak's countless dungeons. “The prison is designed for 250 people, and in my time there were more than a thousand ... The main population of the prison is Bolshevik commissars of all kinds and types, Red Guards, soldiers, officers - all behind the front-line military field court, all people awaiting death sentences. The atmosphere is tense to the extreme. A very depressing impression was made by the soldiers arrested for participating in the Bolshevik uprising on December 22. All these are young Siberian peasant boys who have nothing to do with the Bolsheviks or with Bolshevism. The prison situation, the proximity of imminent death made them walking dead with dark earthy faces. All this mass is still waiting for salvation from new Bolshevik uprisings”(S. 29-30).
Not only prisons, but the whole of Siberia was filled with the horrors of reprisals. Against the partisans Yenisei province sent a punitive general Rozanova. “Something indescribable has begun, Rakov says. - Rozanov announced that for each killed soldier of his detachment, ten people from the Bolsheviks who were in prison, who were all declared hostages, would be steadily shot. Despite the protests of the allies, 49 hostages were shot in the Krasnoyarsk prison alone. Along with the Bolsheviks, the Socialist-Revolutionaries were also shot ... Rozanov led the pacification in the "Japanese" way. The village captured from the Bolsheviks was subjected to robbery, the population was either evacuated without exception or shot: neither old men nor women were spared. The villages most suspicious of Bolshevism were simply burned. Naturally, when the Rozanov detachments approached, at least the male population scattered through the taiga, involuntarily replenishing the rebel detachments.(p. 41). Same scenes Dante's hell took place all over Siberia and Far East, where the fire of the guerrilla war blazed in response to the terror of Kolchak.
But perhaps the Socialist-Revolutionary witness crayfish who has experienced everything charms”Kolchakism, was too emotional and said too much? No, he didn't. Flipping through the baron's diary A. Budberg- somehow Minister of War Kolchak. What did the baron tell about, writing not for publication, but, so to speak, confessing to himself? The Kolchak regime appears from the pages of the diary without makeup. Observing this very power, the baron is indignant:
“Even a reasonable and impartial Rightist... will squeamishly recoil from any kind of cooperation here, because nothing can make you sympathize with this dirt; even nothing can be changed here, because against the sincere idea of order and law, vileness, cowardice, ambition, greed and other delights, monstrously growing here, rise up monstrously. And one more thing: “The old regime is blooming in the most terrific color in its most vile manifestations...”. I was right Lenin when he wrote that Kolchaks and Denikins carry on their bayonets the power that " worse than royal". All those who specialize in exposing the Soviet " emergency”, baron Budberg invites you to look into Kolchak's counterintelligence. “Here, counterintelligence is a huge institution, warming up whole crowds of self-seekers, adventurers and the dregs of the late secret police, insignificant in terms of productive work, but thoroughly saturated with the worst traditions of the former guards, detectives and gendarmes. All this is covered with the loftiest slogans of the struggle for the salvation of the motherland, and under this cover debauchery, violence, embezzlement of state funds and the wildest arbitrariness reign. Readers probably have not forgotten that this is evidenced by Kolchak's Minister of War and that it is a question of the sharpest weapon of the White Terror.
The baron also spoke frankly about the fact that the Ural and Siberian peasants, driven into the Kolchak army on pain of death and reprisals, do not want to serve this regime. They want to restore the power that gave them land and much more. It was this that explained those dozens of truly heroic uprisings in the rear and no less heroic actions of partisan armies from Ural before Pacific Ocean with a total number of up to 200 thousand people plus millions of their supporters? No, these hundreds of thousands and millions, who went to death and torture, did not consider their war against the terrorist regime senseless. But the former head of the Institute of Military History believes. It's strange, isn't it?
Now about what went to the lot of the long-suffering people who found themselves in "Kolchakia". In the diary Budberg we read: "Kalmyk saviors ( we are talking about the detachments of the Ussuri Cossack ataman Kalmykov. ) show Nikolsk and Khabarovsk what the new regime is; everywhere there are arrests, executions, plus, of course, the abundant annexation of cash equivalents into the vast pockets of saviors. The Allies and the Japanese know all this, but no action is taken. Such monstrous things are told about the exploits of the Kalmyks that one does not want to believe” (vol. XIII, p. 258). For example: “The degenerates who came from the detachments boast that during the punitive expeditions they gave the Bolsheviks to the Chinese for reprisal, having previously cut the tendons under the knees of the prisoners (“so that they would not run away”); they also boast that they buried the Bolsheviks alive, with the bottom of the pit lined with entrails released from those buried (“to make it softer to lie down”)”(p. 250).
So did the ataman Kalmyks- "younger brother" of the Transbaikal ataman Semenov. And what did he do" Older brother"? Here is the candid confession of the commander of the American troops in Siberia general V.Grevsa:
“The actions of these ( Semenov .) Cossacks and other Kolchak commanders, committed under the auspices of foreign troops, were the richest soil that could be prepared for Bolshevism, the cruelties were of such a kind that they will undoubtedly be remembered and retold among the Russian people 50 years after their accomplishment ” And here "handiwork”interventionists and Whites in numerical terms for only one Yekaterinburg province(according to the official announcement): “ The Kolchak authorities shot at least 25 thousand. In someKizelovsky mines at least 8,000 were shot and buried alive; inTagil andNadezhdinsky about 10,000 people shot and tortured in the districts; inYekaterinburg and other counties at least 8 thousand. About 10% of the population of two million has been re-cut. Flogged men, women and children". Considering that in " Kolchak” included 11 more provinces and regions, it is difficult to even imagine the scale of the bloody orgy that broke out in the east of the country.

Such is the portrait of Kolchakism, painted by its creators or witnesses. But such " orders” Kolchak and those who directed him wanted to approve throughout Russia. Already standing ready Omsk white horse, on which the “supreme ruler” planned to ride to the sound of bells in Moscow.
Here it is, in the testimonies of participants and eyewitnesses. "glorious"The admiral's path to historical non-existence. But the truth cannot be one-sided, there could not have been a response to such horrors of the white, in this case Kolchak terror, from the Reds. Of course, in response, the Red terror was unfolded, as far as it was" bloody"white, the general of the army of interventionists spoke above W. Graves. But the difference in the historical outcome of these tragic events for the two opposing sides is diametrically opposed.
Despite the full support of the Western partners of the White Guard movement, it did not find mass support from the population, which is not surprising from the above facts. The White Guards, having Western support, having a lot of funds from robbery and expropriation, having a semblance of a quasi-state entity, where did all the funds go? Why can't you find anywhere evidence of the creative projects of the White Guards, striving for at least some future desired by the people? Because besides the desire for undivided power, there was no project behind them, only to rule and flog, rule and shoot, and rule, rule, rule. And where are the people? His future? Right in the ground or as slaves in mines and factories.
What about the Bolsheviks? They are all miserable funds received in the form of taxes, having no external support, not being sure that they will retain power and the country, from the first days they sent where? In the fight against illiteracy and in the electric power industry, in the two foundations of future industrialization and the transformation of unsystematic agriculture into an agro-industry. And now, against the backdrop of the White Guard boundless horror in the village, a monument to the genius adopted Lenin decisions, is this historical photo of the early 20s.

In the sinister, well-coordinated campaign to discredit Lenin, the history of Soviet society and socialism in general, which is waged by anti-communist forces, one of the trump cards is the “red terror”. Its purpose is more than transparent: to present Lenin and the Bolshevik Party, so to speak, as born rapists.

The “zealots” of the truth of history want to avoid recognizing the indisputable fact that the “Red Terror” was a retaliatory, protective, and therefore just measure against the White Terror, against the armed campaign of the interventionists, against the actions of the White Guards and their supporters in the Soviet rear in order to restore the old regime , which was the largest manifestation of the White Terror. All previous revolutions, including the English, American and Great French bourgeois revolutions, used this legitimate right to defend themselves (which is also carefully hushed up). And not a single supporter of social progress, either then or later, reproached them with this right. But there are some who would like to deny our revolution the right to defense.

The social orientation of the punitive measures of the Soviet government is distorted deliberately and unceremoniously, repressions against those who consciously and purposefully participated in the preparations for the restoration of the old regime, overthrown by the majority of the people, are skillfully projected onto this very majority. With the help of such a trick, God's myth about the "anti-people" nature of the Bolshevik government, which is walking around the pages of many publications today, is brought to light. As for those who, in an atmosphere of fierce confrontation, accidentally found themselves under the threat of repression, Lenin constantly took care that the punishing sword of justice did not fall on the heads of the innocent. It is enough to refer to 50-54 volumes of his writings or the documentary collection “V.I. Lenin and the Cheka” (Moscow, 1982), where this is irrefutably attested. Many thousands of those released from arrest by the investigating authorities or acquitted in court because of their innocence, as well as amnestied in connection with revolutionary holidays for less serious crimes, confirm the same.

But perhaps the most striking thing in the flood of publications against the “Red Terror” is the complete failure of memory in relation to the White Terror.

As you know, the October Revolution won extremely quickly and bloodlessly. Even fewer people were willing to defend the Provisional Government than the tsarist autocracy. After the establishment of Soviet power in both capitals, October triumphantly marched through almost the entire vast country in 4 months. None of the previous revolutions has known such dynamism yet. Thanks to the overwhelming superiority of forces, the Bolshevik Soviets took power in the overwhelming majority of places peacefully. Of the 100 largest settlements (including provincial towns) only in 16 the issue of power was resolved by force of arms. The supporters of the old regime, Lenin emphasized, “had no political or economic support, and their attack was thwarted. The fight against them combined not so much military operations as agitation...” . The strength of the revolution was rooted in the fact that it was created by millions.

Of course, as in other revolutions, the classes and parties leaving the stage did not want to voluntarily cede power. They tried to unleash a civil war in the country. The revolt of Krasnov-Kerensky near Petrograd, the uprising of the Junkers in the capital itself, the bloody massacre perpetrated by supporters of the Provisional Government in Moscow, the conspiracy of the old generals at Headquarters, the revolts of the Cossack leaders in the Don, Kuban, the Urals, the anti-Soviet actions of the nationalist forces on the outskirts - all these are attempts to erect a barrier to the triumphal march of Soviet power. But a total civil war, despite the desperate efforts of the Mensheviks, the Right Socialist-Revolutionaries and the Cadets who stood behind them, did not work out.

The people said their word, and they had to retreat along the entire front. The first round of unleashing a civil war was lost by them outright.

In this regard, it is necessary to restore the truth about the position taken by the Soviet government in relation to the opposition parties and their supporters. This is fundamentally important in view of the growing myths about the Bolsheviks as "rapists" and "terrorists".

As you know, no one removed the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries from the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets. They left on their own, not wanting to obey the democratically expressed will of the majority of the people. “They,” Lenin recalled in those days, “were offered to share power... We invited everyone to participate in the government... We wanted a Soviet coalition government. We did not exclude anyone from the Council. If they didn't want to work together, so much the worse for them.” With threats and abuse, they retired from Smolny to the City Duma hastily to form a “Committee for the Salvation of the Motherland and the Revolution” in order to start the very civil war in which they accused the Bolsheviks. Here is how the living witness of those events, the Menshevik N.N. Sukhanov, assessed their actions:

“It was a conspiracy arranged by a bunch of bankrupt politicians - against the Petersburg Soviet, against the legitimate All-Russian Congress of Soviets, against the overwhelming majority of the masses, in which they themselves were as inconspicuous as chips and wreckage of a ship broken by a storm in the ocean.” What's right is right!

Immediately after the collapse of the first anti-Soviet rebellions, Lenin declared: "We do not want a civil war ... We are against a civil war." And one more thing: “We are reproached for using terror, but we do not use terror, which was used by the French revolutionaries who guillotined unarmed people, and I hope we will not use it.” And subsequently, the Soviet government showed more than enough acts of humanism towards its opponents. With the support of the vast majority of the population on their side, this government believed that, in accordance with the principles of democracy, the resisting minority should recognize the choice of the majority and not kindle a civil war in the country. And she constantly reinforced this course with numerous acts of forgiving those who stopped fighting or even announced it.

The rebellious general Krasnov was subjected only to house arrest, and then released on parole not to raise his hand against the revolution. Where he ended up and what he did is well known. The junkers defending the Winter Palace were released, and without taking a breath, on October 29 they raised an uprising in order to open the way for Krasnov to the capital. The Moscow junkers, who flooded the streets of the city with blood, were not even arrested and, in accordance with the agreement, were released in peace at their place of residence. Soon, many of them showed up on the Don in the ranks of Denikin's Volunteer Army. Even one of the main culprits of the Moscow bloodshed, the chairman of the “Committee of Public Security”, Socialist-Revolutionary V.V. Milyukov tearfully implores the "allies" to urgently begin military intervention against the RSFSR. In November 1917, a conspiracy led by an ardent Black Hundredist V.M. Purishkevich was uncovered. The evidence is there: a letter signed by him to Kaledin, which said: “We are waiting for you here, General, and by the time you arrive we will come out with all available forces.” He defined the nature of the "performance" as follows: "We must begin with the Smolny Institute and then go through all the barracks and factories, shooting soldiers and workers in masses." Purishkevich was arrested, but soon ... amnestied in connection with the May 1 holiday (1918). A year later, in the same Iasi, he agitates for military intervention, then helps Denikin with all his might in a campaign against Moscow.

The commander of the 5th Army, General V. G. Boldyrev, was condemned by the revolutionary tribunal to imprisonment for sabotaging the truce at the front, but under the same May amnesty he was generously pardoned - and immediately hurried to the camp of the eastern counter-revolution. He became a member of the Ufa directory, became the commander-in-chief of its armed forces. General V. V. Marushevsky, chief of the general staff, who was arrested for sabotage, so to speak, “on a large scale,” repented and wrote with his own hand: “I consider it necessary for the modern government to obey and carry out its orders.” But, released from arrest, he was not slow to move to Arkhangelsk, captured by the interventionists, and became the closest assistant to the White Guard General Miller. The socialist ministers of the Provisional Government N. A. Gvozdev, A. M. Nikitin and S. L. Maslov, arrested in the Winter, were released, but they did not appreciate the generosity of the new government. Soon the first two ended up in the White Guard camp and, as leaders of the cooperation of the South of Russia, acted as, so to speak, non-regular commissaries of Denikin's army. By March 1918, all the activists of the sabotage Union of Unions of Employees of State Institutions, headed by its chairman, were released from arrest, again on parole. And such examples are innumerable.

Such is the truth that the present-day accusers of the Bolsheviks prefer to conceal. Before the start of foreign military intervention and the civil war, that is, before the unfolding of the massive White Terror, the repressive measures of the Soviet government were limited and very liberal in nature, since the onslaught of the counter-revolutionary forces at the first stage was still relatively weak. For those who want to honestly understand the red and white terror, this relationship will open their eyes to many things. Here is some evidence for this.

Member of the Central Committee of the Menshevik Party D. Dalin, already in exile, confirmed: “And it was not at once that they (ie the Bolsheviks - P.G.) embarked on the path of terror. It is strange to remember that during the first 5-6 months of Soviet power, the opposition press continued to appear, not only socialist, but also openly bourgeois. The first case of the death penalty took place only in May 1918. Everyone who wanted to speak at the meetings, almost without risking getting into the Cheka. "Soviet system" existed, but no terror”(highlighted by me - P.G.). Regarding the subsequent intensification of repressive measures by the Soviet government, he wondered: “Why did this happen?” And he answered: "The civil war really gave impetus to the development of terror."

Another “unbiased” witness, the diplomatic representative of Great Britain in the RSFSR, R. Lockhart, also looked at the root. He, one of the organizers of the conspiracy of the “Three Ambassadors” (Lockhart - Nulans - Francis), later admitted: “Life in Petersburg in those weeks was of a rather peculiar character. The iron discipline with which the Bolsheviks now rule (written in the early 1930s - P.G.) was not even in sight at that time. Terror did not yet exist (this is again for the attention of the “democrats” - P.G.), it was even impossible to say that the population was afraid of the Bolsheviks. The newspapers of the Bolshevik opponents were still published, and the policy of the Soviets was subjected to the most severe attacks in them ... In this early era of Bolshevism, the danger to bodily integrity and life came not from the ruling party, but from anarchist gangs ...

I deliberately mention this initial stage of comparative Bolshevik tolerance, because their subsequent brutality was the result of an intensified civil war. In the civil war, the allies are also guilty of a lot (Lockhart is clearly modest, downplaying their “merits” - P.G.), whose intervention aroused so many false hopes ... Our policy we contributed to the intensification of terror and more bloodshed." And he added to what was said: Alekseev, Denikin, Kornilov, Wrangel did their best to overthrow the Bolsheviks. But... “for this purpose they, without support from abroad, were too weak because in their own country they found footing only in office, which in itself was already very weakened ”(highlighted by me - P.G.).

As you can see, the ardent opponents of the Soviets D. Dalin and R. Lockhart clearly clarify the issue of the reasons for the escalation of terror, while the “democrats” today obscure it in every possible way and at the same time swear by adherence to the truth of history.

And what about the Cadets, Socialist-Revolutionaries, Mensheviks? Considering themselves to be the bearers of democracy, have they submitted to the will of the majority? Nothing happened! Without respite, they set about preparing a new round of civil war. But, once burned, they sobered up, they realized: they couldn’t cope alone, they needed foreign support, although they understood that they would have to pay with national sovereignty and many other things, to be with the owners in the humiliating role of servants. (Later, the most honest of them bitterly admit this.) In the respective embassies and consulates, their requests are readily accepted, because the interests of the parties coincide in many respects, and above all in the main thing - to topple the power of the Soviets. The diabolical alliance quickly becomes sinister. The underground centers of consolidation of internal anti-Soviet forces emerging: the Right Center, the National Center that broke away from it, the Union for the Revival of Russia, Savinkov’s Union for the Defense of the Homeland and Freedom, unite a diverse audience, from monarchists to anarchists, under the slogan: “Give intervention!" They see their activities as clearing the way for the latter.

Let's listen again to Lockhart: “Hicks (his intelligence assistant - P.G.) served as an intermediary between me and the enemies of the Bolsheviks. They were represented in Moscow by the so-called center, which had a left and a right wing, and, in addition, by the League for the Salvation of Russia, created by Savinkov. Between these two organizations there were constant quarrels ... Both counter-revolutionary bodies were unanimous in only one respect - both wanted to receive help from the allies in money and weapons ... For many weeks, their funding was provided entirely to the French. Political agents Alekseev and Denikin reproached me that I was relegated to the background ... I took part of the financing myself. Even more such secrets could tell the French ambassador Noulens. Partially, Savinkov himself spoke about them, in fact, he was with the ambassador as a person for assignments.

Lockhart was eloquently supplemented by one of the leaders of the Union for the Revival of Russia, the Socialist-Revolutionary leader A. Argunov. Thrown abroad by Kolchak and miraculously escaped execution, he, finding himself in Paris, wrote: “From the very first steps of its activity, the Union entered into correct and frequent relations with representatives of the allied missions located in Moscow, Petrograd and Vologda, mainly through the mediation of the French Mr. Nulans's envoy. The representatives of the Allies were thoroughly acquainted with the tasks of the Union and its composition and repeatedly expressed their readiness to assist it in every possible way, fully sharing the views of the Union both on the tasks of domestic and foreign policy, moreover, statements of assistance were not private, but official, as they were usually accompanied by references to the fact that the course of action of these representatives meets with the approval of their central governments.

So, the plans of various "centers" and "alliances" are approved, weapons are in store, the conspirators are organized, the first Allied landings in Murmansk and Vladivostok have landed. “Now is the time to act. The 50,000-strong Czechoslovak corps, which at the headquarters of the Entente has already been assigned the role of "vanguard of the interventionist troops" in Russia, is put into action. The echelons of the corps, evacuated under an agreement with the Soviet government to their homeland, at the end of May 1918, revolt and in a short time overthrow the still fragile Soviet power from the Volga to Vladivostok. And throughout their incredibly long journey - shot, imprisoned, beaten to a pulp. The French government, on behalf of all the allies, expresses gratitude to the corps. Western "democracy" gave its first bloody lesson. And how many more are yet to come!

Civil war broke out in the vast expanses of Russia. Under the protection of the Czechoslovak bayonets, scattered and exhausted opponents of the revolution got out of hiding places. One after another, anti-Soviet governments are organized - Samara, Ufa, Ural, Siberian, etc., whose armed support was the same Czechoslovaks, on whose shoulders “the whole burden of the struggle lay, because by that time they made up at least 80% of the armed forces, fighting at the front."

Soon the "allies" come to the conclusion that all these "constituent councils" and "directorates", led by the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks, are only getting in the way, hindering the achievement of the goals of the intervention. We need a military dictatorship. And now, with the direct participation of the English battalion under the command of Lieutenant Colonel D. Ward, on November 18, 1918 in Omsk, Admiral A. V. Kolchak was seated in the chair of the “supreme ruler” of Russia. The “socialists”, who faithfully served the allies, were so devastated that only a few carried their feet out of Siberia. Most fell into the Kolchak meat grinder, from which few people got out alive. In the North, under the cover of the troops of the interventionists, a coup similar to the Omsk one also follows, and the “socialists” thrown out as unnecessary are replaced by Kolchak of a local scale, General E.K. Miller. A similar transformation of power is taking place in other regions of Russia. In the meantime, more and more new contingents of interventionist troops are landing from different sides - in the south of Russia, in the north, in the Transcaspian region, in the Caucasus, the Far East. Today, the accusers of the Bolsheviks pretend that none of this happened.

During 1918-1920. the “allies” moved an interventionist armada to Russia with a total number of more than 850 thousand people, including 140 thousand English, 140 thousand French, 175 thousand Japanese (according to updated data), 14 thousand American. If we add here at least 280 thousand Austro-German invaders, then the total number of interventionists will exceed 1 million people. Let's think about this figure: it makes you shudder. Even if you approach it with modern standards.

What were they doing on Soviet soil under the guise of hypocritical assurances of “non-intervention” in Russian affairs? Let's listen to the then Minister of War of Great Britain W. Churchill, an ardent supporter of open intervention: “Were the allies in the war with Soviet Russia? Of course no. But they killed Soviet people as soon as they caught their eye; on Russian soil they remained as conquerors; they supplied weapons to the enemies of the Soviet government; they blocked its ports; they sank his warships. They ardently sought the fall of the Soviet government and made plans for its fall. But to declare war on him is a shame! Intervention is a disgrace! They kept repeating that it made absolutely no difference to them how the Russians handle their internal affairs. They wanted to remain impartial and struck blow after blow.”

After such confessions, every honest person will agree with Lenin, who emphasized: world imperialism “caused us, in essence speaking, a civil war and is guilty of prolonging it ...”.

The Soviet government was fully aware of what a civil war might turn into, if it was intensively fanned by world imperialism. Therefore, she did everything possible to extinguish the fire of bloody strife. From her first day until the end of 1919, she 10 times appealed to the governments of the Entente countries and the United States - the main directors and directors of the bloody tragedy in Russia - with an appeal to stop the bloodshed. How did they answer from there, from the bastions of Western democracy, for which the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks stood up so much? Churchill recalled with gloating glee: the Bolsheviks surfed the airwaves in vain with their radio messages: "Their answer was silence."

Wilson, Lloyd George and Clemenceau were not at all worried that blood was shed on the soil of Soviet Russia, they were thinking about something completely different. But the ongoing drama was very disturbing to the Soviet government, headed by Lenin, and in search of a compromise in the name of ending the bloodshed, it made about 50 more peace proposals before the end of the civil war. And, alas, with the same result. So what is the fault of the Bolsheviks, who today are blamed for the war to the same extent as their opponents? Maybe because they didn't lay down their arms? And they did not surrender the conquests of October, paying for it with their lives 200,000 of their most worthy members?

A few more cursory touches on what the “socialists” were doing in the Soviet rear. Let's not forget: since the middle of 1918, the Soviet Republic has been literally a fortress besieged by enemies. Churchill noted with glee: 5/6 of the territory of the Reds has already been recaptured, it remains to push - and the Reds "cover". And the "fifth column" "presses" from the rear. The Eighth Council of the Right Socialist-Revolutionary Party (May 1918) takes a course towards preparing armed uprisings, disrupting peace with Germany and inviting the troops of the Entente. Savinkov, in the words of the omniscient R. Lockhart, “urged on by the promises of the French, has already occupied Yaroslavl, a city on the way from Moscow to Arkhangelsk,” and his people, cooperating with the agents of the “Union for the Revival of Russia”, raise uprisings in Minsk, Murom, Izhevsk, Votkinsk and a number of other cities on the paths along which the "allies" are preparing to march to the Soviet capital. White terror rages with might and main: executions, jails full of arrested people, “death barges”. Lockhart, like other “allied” directors of this tragedy, is already tormented by a headache: “What will the allies do in conquered Moscow, how can the bourgeois government hold out in Russia without our constant support?” .

Collective terror (in the form of conspiracies and rebellions) is complemented by individual terror. The battle group under the Central Committee of the Right Social Revolutionaries led a real hunt for the Bolshevik leaders. V.Volodarsky was killed, followed by M.S.Uritsky. And now a shot at Lenin. How this was done can be read in the book of the leader of these actions of the Socialist-Revolutionary militant G. Semenov (Vasiliev) “Military and combat work of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party for 1917-1918.” (Berlin, 1922). The evidence is first hand. The Mensheviks, according to the “division of labour”, are firing at the Bolsheviks from the pages of newspapers and from the stands of rallies and meetings, inciting the workers to strike and accusing the Bolsheviks of famine and ruin. As if both of them had not been created yesterday by the Provisional Government with the participation of their ministers. Most of all, Yu. Martov rages, perhaps. At a time when white terror was already raging in the Soviet rear, at the front, and behind the front line, he published the brochure “Down with the death penalty!” (M., 1918), which may well serve as a textbook of political hypocrisy. Note: at such a moment - and not a word about the white terror, exactly like today's accusers of the Bolsheviks. Martov “forgotten” that it was the Menshevik Party that had a hand in introducing the death penalty at the front in July 1917 (which was abolished by the very first decree of the Soviet government). Then for some reason he did not shout "down!". On the contrary, he branded thousands of soldiers who refused to go on the offensive as "the worst and undoubted criminals", "spies for foreign governments." And this is about exhausted to the limit comfrey, of whom almost 13 thousand were arrested in the 5th Army of the Northern Front alone (see Source study of the history of Soviet society. M., 1954, p. 157). Now, in 1918, this “social democrat of the purest standard” wants to provoke the workers against the Bolsheviks and call: “Take away from them the power that you yourself gave them.”

Before the rampant white terror in all its sinister faces, the Soviet government, like any other, legally elected by the people, could not remain inactive. And she was forced to respond by declaring the “Red Terror”. It was her legal right. “The English bourgeois have forgotten their 1649, the French their 1793,” Lenin wrote at the time. - Terror was just and legal when it was used by the bourgeoisie in its favor against the feudal lords. Terror became monstrous and criminal when the workers and the poorest peasants dared to use it against the bourgeoisie.

In fact, both the English and French bourgeois revolutionaries did not hesitate to use terror against feudal reaction and even to execute their monarchs: Charles I in England, Louis XIV in France. In our country, however, the “democratic” press curses the “Red Terror” day and night, and only it, and sheds tears about the Russian monarch, nicknamed “Bloody” by the people.

Now is the time to face the white terror, from which the zealots of glasnost and truth from Ogonyok, Moskovskie Novosti, Literaturnaya Gazeta, etc., slyly turned away. No, we will not follow the dubious example of D. A. Volkogonov and Yu. Feofanov who called in the “accusers” of the Reds ... General Denikin and the semi-Cadet Melgunov. Let the whites themselves bear witness to the deeds of the whites. These testimonies are numerous. Let's open just a few of them.

When Admiral Kolchak was established on the throne, his guardsmen arranged not only for the Bolsheviks, but also for the Socialist-Revolutionary-Menshevik leaders of the directory, such a bloody bath that those who survived in it for many years remembered with a shudder. One of them, a member of the Central Committee of the Right SR Party, D. F. Rakov, managed to smuggle a letter from prison abroad, which the SR center in Paris published in 1920 in the form of a pamphlet entitled “In the dungeons of Kolchak. Voice from Siberia.

What did this voice tell the world community? “Omsk,” Rakov testified, “simply froze in horror. While the wives of the murdered comrades were looking for their corpses in the Siberian snows day and night, I continued my painful sitting, not knowing what horror was going on behind the walls of the guardhouse. The killed ... were an infinite number, in any case, no less than 2,500 people.

Entire wagonloads of corpses were transported through the city, as sheep and pig carcasses are transported in winter. It was mainly the soldiers of the local garrison and the workers who suffered...” (p. 16-17).

And here are the scenes of Kolchak's massacres, sketched, so to speak, from nature: “The murder itself presents a picture so wild and terrible that it is difficult to talk about it even for people who have seen a lot of horrors both in the past and in the present. The unfortunate were stripped, left in only one linen: the killers, obviously, needed their clothes. They beat them with all types of weapons, with the exception of artillery: they beat them with butts, stabbed with bayonets, chopped them with checkers, shot at them from rifles and revolvers. The execution was attended not only by the performers, but also by spectators. In front of this audience, N. Fomin (Socialist-Revolutionary - P.G.) was inflicted 13 wounds, of which only 2 were gunshot wounds. While still alive, they tried to cut off his arms with sabers, but the sabers, apparently, were blunt, resulting in deep wounds on the shoulders and under the armpits. It is hard, hard for me now to describe how they tortured, mocked, tortured our comrades” (p. 20-21).

What follows is a story about one of Kolchak's countless dungeons. “The prison is designed for 250 people, and in my time there were more than a thousand ... The main population of the prison is Bolshevik commissars of all kinds and types, Red Guards, soldiers, officers - all behind the front-line military field court, all people awaiting death sentences. The atmosphere is tense to the extreme. A very depressing impression was made by the soldiers arrested for participating in the Bolshevik uprising on December 22. All these are young Siberian peasant boys who have nothing to do with the Bolsheviks or with Bolshevism. The prison situation, the proximity of imminent death made them walking dead with dark earthy faces. All this mass is still waiting for salvation from new Bolshevik uprisings” (p. 29-30).

Not only prisons, but the whole of Siberia was filled with the horrors of reprisals. Against the partisans of the Yenisei province, Kolchak sent the punitive general Rozanov. “Something indescribable began,” Rakov reports. - Rozanov announced that for each killed soldier of his detachment, ten people from the Bolsheviks who were in prison, who were all declared hostages, would be steadily shot. Despite the protests of the allies, 49 hostages were shot in the Krasnoyarsk prison alone. Along with the Bolsheviks, the Socialist-Revolutionaries were also shot ... Rozanov led the pacification in the "Japanese" way. The village captured from the Bolsheviks was subjected to robbery, the population was either evacuated without exception or shot: neither old men nor women were spared. The villages most suspicious of Bolshevism were simply burned. Naturally, when the Rozanov detachments approached, at least the male population scattered through the taiga, involuntarily replenishing the rebel detachments” (p. 41).

The same scenes of Dante's hell took place throughout Siberia and the Far East, where the fire of guerrilla warfare blazed in response to the terror of Kolchak.

But, perhaps, the Socialist-Revolutionary witness Rakov, who experienced all the “charms” of Kolchakism, was too emotional and said too much? No, he didn't. Let's leaf through the diary of Baron A. Budberg - after all, Kolchak's Minister of War. What did the baron tell about, writing not for publication, but, so to speak, confessing to himself? The Kolchak regime appears from the pages of the diary without makeup. Observing this very power, the baron is indignant: “Even a reasonable and impartial rightist ... will squeamishly recoil from any kind of cooperation here, because nothing can make you sympathize with this dirt; even nothing can be changed here, because against the sincere idea of order and law, meanness, cowardice, ambition, selfishness and other charms, monstrously growing here, rise monstrously. And one more thing: “The old regime is blooming in the most terry color in its most vile manifestations ...”. Lenin was right when he wrote that the Kolchaks and Denikins carry on their bayonets a power that is "worse than the tsar's."

Baron Budberg invites all those who specialize in exposing the Soviet "cheaters" to look into Kolchak's counterintelligence. “Here, counterintelligence is a huge institution, warming up whole crowds of self-seekers, adventurers and the dregs of the late secret police, insignificant in terms of productive work, but thoroughly saturated with the worst traditions of the former guards, detectives and gendarmes. All this is covered with the loftiest slogans of the struggle for the salvation of the motherland, and under this cover debauchery, violence, embezzlement of state funds and the wildest arbitrariness reign. Readers probably have not forgotten that this is evidenced by Kolchak's Minister of War and that it is a question of the sharpest weapon of the White Terror.

The baron also spoke frankly about the fact that the Ural and Siberian peasants, driven into the Kolchak army on pain of death and reprisals, do not want to serve this regime. They want to restore the power that gave them land and much more. This is what explained those dozens of truly heroic uprisings in the rear of Kolchak and no less heroic actions of partisan armies from the Urals to the Pacific Ocean with a total number of up to 200 thousand people, plus millions of their supporters? No, these hundreds of thousands and millions, who went to death and torture, did not consider their war against the terrorist regime senseless. But the former head of the Institute of Military History believes. It's strange, isn't it?

Now about what went to the lot of the long-suffering people who ended up in Kolchakia. In Budberg’s diary we read: “The Kalmyk saviors (we are talking about the detachments of the Ussuri Cossack ataman Kalmykov. - P.G.) show Nikolsk and Khabarovsk what the new regime is; everywhere there are arrests, executions, plus, of course, the abundant annexation of cash equivalents into the vast pockets of saviors. The Allies and the Japanese know all this, but no action is taken. Such monstrous things are told about the exploits of the Kalmyks that one does not want to believe” (vol. XIII, p. 258). For example: “The degenerates who came from the detachments boast that during the punitive expeditions they gave the Bolsheviks to the Chinese for reprisal, having previously cut the tendons under the knees of the prisoners (“so that they would not run away”); they also boast that they buried the Bolsheviks alive, with the bottom of the pit lined with entrails released from those buried (“to make it softer to lie down”)” (p. 250).

So did the ataman Kalmykov - the "younger brother" of the Transbaikal ataman Semenov. And what did the “big brother” do? Here is a frank confession of the commander of the American troops in Siberia, General V. Grevs: “The actions of these (Semenov. - P.G.) Cossacks and other Kolchak commanders, carried out under the auspices of foreign troops, were the richest soil that could be prepared for Bolshevism, cruelty were of such a kind that they will undoubtedly be remembered and retold among the Russian people 50 years after their accomplishment.

And here is another confession - the political leaders of the Czechoslovak corps B. Pavel and V. Girsa, made by them in an official memorandum to the allies (November 1919). Wishing to wash their hands after all the bloody deeds and quickly get out of Siberia in view of the complete collapse of Kolchakism, they declared: “Under the protection of the Czechoslovak bayonets, the local Russian military authorities allow themselves actions that will horrify the entire civilized world. The burning of villages, the beating of peaceful Russian citizens by hundreds, the executions without trial of representatives of democracy on a simple suspicion of political unreliability are a common occurrence, and the responsibility for everything before the court of the peoples of the whole world lies with us: why did we, having military force, not oppose this lawlessness” . But why? It turns out that due to "neutrality and non-interference in internal Russian affairs." Such hypocrisy would be the envy of Machiavelli. To give rise to Kolchakism, to keep it with our own strength at the front, and later to protect it in the rear from the rebellious population - and this is called “non-interference” in Russian affairs?

Those ordinary legionnaires who were arrested in the summer of 1919 for refusing to be executioners of the Siberian workers and peasants turned out to be immeasurably more honest. “For the blood that is now flowing on the boundless fields of the fratricidal war in Russia,” they declared, “the Czechoslovaks bear the greatest responsibility; the Czechoslovak army in Siberia, which turns away with horror from the works of its own hands, must answer for this blood.

And here are the “handiwork” of the interventionists and the White Guards in numerical terms in the Yekaterinburg province alone (according to the official report): “At least 25 thousand were shot by the Kolchak authorities. In the Kizelov mines alone, at least 8 thousand were shot and buried alive; in the Tagil and Nadezhdinsky districts, about 10 thousand were shot and tortured; in Yekaterinburg and other counties, at least 8 thousand. About 10% of the population of two million has been re-cut. They flogged men, women and children.” Considering that "Kolchakia" included 11 more provinces and regions, it is difficult to even imagine the scale of the bloody orgy that broke out in the east of the country.

Such is the portrait of Kolchakism, painted by its creators or witnesses. But such “orders” Kolchak and those who directed him wanted to approve throughout Russia. Already at the ready was a white horse in Omsk, on which the “supreme ruler” planned to enter Moscow to the sound of bells.

There was another contender for the throne. And he also sat at the ready on a white horse, but already near Tula. This is General Denikin. And the orders that he carried with him, like two drops of water, were similar to Kolchak's. Those who wish to be convinced of this are referred to the testimony of Denikin's associates or those who were eyewitnesses to the bloody deeds of his troops. This is the ardent monarchist N. N. Lvov (“White Movement”, Belgrade, 1924); prominent Denikin war correspondent G.N. Rakovsky (“In the Camp of the Whites”. Constantinople, 1920; “The End of the Whites”. Prague, 1921); General P.N. Wrangel (Memoirs in the journal “White Deed”, Berlin, v.6); two-volume documentary work “Pogroms of the Volunteer Army in Ukraine in 1919-1920.